BY A A WITH Mh AN L 



STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE 



AS TOLD IN 



STANLEY'S LETTERS 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS. 



T)T3i"l 

d^ap. - Stqpjrijfjt !|jj. 

Shelf .aS.JU_5" 

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 




28 Longitude East 30 o£ Greenwich. 32 




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FS.VK-Uer.F.K.G.S. 



THE 

STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE 

9 

AS TOLD IN 

STANLEY'S LETTERS 



PUBLISHED BY MR. STANLEY'S PERMISSION 



: 



EDITED BY 

J. SCOTT KELTIE 

LIBRARIAN TO THE ROYAL GEOGRAPHICAL SOCIETY 



WITH MAP OF THE ROUTE 




NEW YORK 
HARPER & BROTHERS, FRANKLIN SQUARE 

1890 
\ 



*w 



HENRY M. STANLEY'S WORKS. 



The Congo and the Founding of its Free State. 
A Story of Work and Exploration. By HENRY M. 
Stanley, pp. xxxviii., 1012. With over One Hun- 
dred Full-page and Smaller Illustrations ; Colored 
Maps and Marginal Notes. 2 vols., 8vo, Cloth, $10 00. 

The Story of Emin's Rescue as told in Stan- 
ley's LETTERS. Published by Mr. Stanley's permis- 
sion. Edited by J. SCOTT KELTIE, Librarian to the 
Royal Geographical Society. With Map of the 
Route and Three Portraits. 8vo, Cloth, 50 cents. 

COOMASSIE AND MAGDALA : The Story of Two British 
Campaigns in Africa. By Henry M. Stanley, pp. 
xiv., 506. With Maps and Illustrations. 8vo, Cloth, 

$3 5o. 

Through the Dark Continent; or, The Sources of 
the Nile, Around the Great Lakes of Equatorial Af- 
rica, and Down the Livingstone River to the Atlantic 
Ocean. With 149 Illustrations and Colored Maps. 
By Henry M. Stanley, pp. xxxv., 1088. 2 vols., 
8vo, Cloth, $10 00. 



Published by HARPER & BROTHERS, New York. 

The above zvorks are for sale by all booksellers, or will be sent ^Har- 
per & Brothers, postage prepaid, to atiy part of the United States, 
Canada, or Mexico, on receipt of price. 



/ 



Copyright, 1889, by Harper & Brothers. 



All rights reserved. 



NOTE 

BY THE PUBLISHERS OF THE 
ENGLISH EDITION. 



We have produced this little brochure at the request of Mr. 
Stanley, and in compliance with the urgent desire of correspond- 
ents, one of whom, writing from one of the great manufacturing 
centres, says : " I have read with very great interest and pleasure 
the letters received from Mr. H. M. Stanley, and no doubt many 
thousands of people have done the same as myself. I am much 
mixed up with men of the working class — mechanics, lace-makers, 
laborers, etc. ; and I am of opinion that if you could issue a small 
book of Stanley's travels and varied experiences in the rescue of 
Emin Pasha, with a skeleton map showing, by dotted lines, the 
route taken, in a cheap form, say about one shilling, as quickly as 
possible . . . you would be conferring a boon upon 'the masses' of 
this country. . . . There is at the present time a huge craving after 
anything and everything relating to Central Africa, and with the 
strong interest created by Mr. Stanley's thrilling adventures, I'm sure 
a shilling book would be a great success." 

We regarded such an appeal as this as quite irresistible, and we 
have hastened, with the assistance of our friend Mr. Keltie, to put 
together all the material at the present time available. 



4 PUBLISHERS' NOTE. 

In addition to the letters that have already appeared in the press, 
we are indebted to Sir William Mackinnon, Chairman of the Emin 
Pasha Relief Committee, for some interesting* matter which has not 
yet been made public, and for the facilities which he has given to 
us in the compilation of this collection. 

It is quite needless to say that this unpretentious little volume 
can only be looked upon as a compilation from material scattered 
through many newspapers, and running through many months, and 
that it in no way trenches upon the very important work which 
Mr. Stanley will complete as quickly as possible after his return to 
this country. The letters to the Royal Geographical Society are 
reproduced here by permission of the President and Council. 

London, December 13, 1889. 



INTKODUCTOKY. 



A very few words of introduction will suffice to bring the narra- 
tive of the Emin Pasha Relief Expedition up to the date of the re- 
ceipt of the first of Mr. Stanley's own letters. Until about the lat- 
ter half of 1886 the name of Emin Bey, as he was then, was little 
known beyond the circles of science and geography. Within these 
circles he had attained a high reputation as a naturalist, and as a 
traveller and explorer, whose contributions to a knowledge of the 
geography of the Upper Nile regions were of the most solid value. 
To a few more he was known as the successful governor of the 
Equatorial Province of the Egyptian Soudan, in which he had follow- 
ed his friend and chief, Gordon Pasha. Born in Prussian Silesia, 
educated at Breslau and Berlin, where he took his degree of M.D. 
in 1864, Eduard Schnitzer entered the Turkish service, and travelled 
much in Asiatic Turkey. His love of natural history and fondness 
for travel he had from childhood. When, in 1876, he left Turkey, 
and had spent a few months at home, he went to Egypt and was 
taken into the service of the Khedive. He was sent to Khartoum, and 
thence proceeded to the Equatorial Province as medical officer on 
Gordon's staff. When Gordon was appointed Governor-general of 
the Soudan, his old province was nearly ruined by being intrusted to 
incompetent and corrupt Egyptian officers, so that when Emin Ef- 
fendi, as he was then, was appointed governor in 1878, he found the 
country in a state of complete disorganization and corruption, the 
happy hunting-ground of the slave-raider. Within a very few 
months he had almost cleaned out the Augean stable, scattered the 
slavers, got rid of the cruel and corrupt Egyptian soldiery, and filled 



6 INTRODUCTORY. 

their places with well-drilled natives, effectually encouraged agricult- 
ure, and introduced a time of peace and comfort for all. Before 
his reign there had been a constantly accumulating deficit in the reve- 
nue ; in a year or two this was converted into a substantial surplus. 
But trying times were at hand. Mahdism began to be heard of 
about 1879, and Gordon was no longer in the Soudan to cope with 
and crush it. One disaster to the Egyptian arms after another, in 
which English officers were involved, at last compelled the British 
Government to appeal to the old Governor of the Soudan to come to 
the rescue. The result is known to all. By January, 1884, Gordon 
was on his way to the Soudan, and a year later he and Khartoum 
fell together. 

Emin seems to have remained undisturbed till the beginning of 
1884, when the Mahdists invaded the Bahr-el-Ghazal province and 
carried off its governor, Lupton Bey. Emin expected his turn to 
come next, and withdrew all his forces, dependants, and stores from 
Lado south to Wadelai on the Bahr-el-Jebel, the branch of the Nile 
which issues from the Albert Nyanza, and within easy reach of that 
lake. Here he was able to carry on his work of administration, lim- 
ited as it was, combined with geographical investigation, unmolested. 
But discontent, we know now, was brewing among his people; sup- 
plies of all kinds were running short, and the ammunition was rapid- 
ly approaching its last grain. Rumors of all this began to reach 
Europe, and were confirmed by the information brought home by 
Dr. Junker, the eminent explorer, and Emin's friend for many 
years. People began to realize what a remarkable man was shut up 
in this little corner of Africa, barred in on the north by the hordes 
of the Mahdi, and on the south by that merciless young royalty, 
Mwanga, King of Uganda, the son of Stanley's old friend, Mtesa. 
The excitement rapidly grew ; the heroism of Emin's conduct — for 
he could easily have got away by himself — and the cruelly critical 
nature of his position, took possession of the public mind, and espe- 
cially that of England. It was realized that to a considerable ex- 
tent England was to blame for what had happened, and the general 
verdict was that England was bound to rescue Emin and his fellow- 
prisoners, for such they were. 

This brings us to the autumn of 1886. Political questions must 



INTRODUCTORY. 7 

not be introduced here; and therefore we need not inquire into the 
reasons why the British Government did not come to the front and 
undertake the relief of Ernin. It is no secret that the Government 
did everything short of putting its hand directly to the work; this, 
it convinced itself, it could not do. It was then that Mr. (now Sir) 
William Mackinnon stepped to the front and declared himself will- 
ing to organize an Emin Relief Expedition. Even before the crea- 
tion of British East Africa, Sir William Mackinnon had had intimate 
relations with Zanzibar, and also dealings with the Congo Free 
State. It was without doubt due to the powerful influences which 
he was able to bring to bear that the expedition was so rapidly and 
successfully fitted out. A hint to the Egyptian Government pro- 
duced a contribution of £10,000; for it was Egyptian officers and 
Egyptian subjects who had to be rescued. Sir William Mackinnon 
contributed a handsome sum himself, and mainlv amonor his own 
friends he succeeded in getting subscriptions which brought the 
total amount at the disposal of the Committee up to £20,000. Of 
this, £1000 came from the Royal Geographical Society, the Coun- 
cil of which felt that a favorable opportunity would be presented 
of obtaining information concernino; a region of Africa of the ^reat- 

O 3 3 o 

est interest, but almost unknown. The leading newspapers also 
agreed to contribute on condition that they should be allowed to 
publish Stanley's letters. 

The Emin Bey Relief Committee was formed at the end of De- 
cember. 1556. and in addition to Sir William Mackinnon, Bart. 
(Chairman), consisted of the following gentlemen : The Honorable 
Guy Dawnay (since dead), Mr. H. M. Stanley, Sir Lewis Pelly, Mr. 
A. F. Kinnaird, Colonel Grant, Rev. H. Waller, Colonel Sir F. De 
Winton, Secretary. Long before this, however, Mr. Stanley's name 
had been brought forward in connection with the expedition, and 
as early as September, 1SS6, Consul Holm wood, of Zanzibar, re- 
ported to the Earl of Iddesleigh the results of his efforts to com- 
municate with Emin, and of his inquiries as to the best means of 
sending relief. These reports showed how increasingly dangerous 
Emin's position was. On November loth Sir William Mackinnon 
wrote to the Foreign Office, offering to do what he could to organ- 
ize an expedition, and suggesting the advisability of securing the 



8 INTRODUCTORY. 

services of Mr. H. M. Stanley as leader. Mr. Stanley was on the 
eve of departure for America, where he had made engagements to 
lecture ; and these, with other similar engagements, would have put 
£10,000 in his pocket within a year. Still, as Sir William Mackin- 
non stated in his letter, Mr. Stanley was willing to give up all his 
engagements, and without fee or reward once more plunge into the 
heart of Africa, and carry out the work of rescue. In a letter dated 
November 15, 1886, to Sir William Mackinnon, Mr. Stanley ex- 
presses his readiness to go at once, and states that already he had 
been examining the question of routes, of which he said there were 
four possible. However, he was allowed to leave for America, and 
it was not till December 11th that Sir William Mackinnon telegraph- 
ed to him : " Your plan and offer accepted. Authorities approve. 
Funds provided. Business urgent. Come promptly. Reply." The 
reply came, dated New York, December 13th: "Just received Mon- 
day's cablegram. Many thanks. Everything all right. Will sail 
per Eider 8 o'clock Wednesday morning. If good weather and 
barring accidents, arrive 22d December, Southampton. It is only 
one month's delay, after all. Tell authorities prepare Holmwood 
Zanzibar, and Seyyid Barghash. Best compliments to you." Thus 
the work of rescue was fairly started. 

As in duty bound, Mr. Stanley, shortly after his arrival in England, 
paid a visit to the King of the Belgians, at Brussels, for he was still 
retained in the King's service. After mature deliberation, the route 
by the Congo had been chosen as on the whole the most suitable; for 
one thing, it was felt that the route by the East Coast and Uganda 
would have endangered the lives of the missionaries still in the power 
of King Mwanga, of Uganda. The King of the Belgians placed at 
the disposal of the expedition all the means of transport at his com- 
mand in the Congo. By about the third week of January, 1887, all 
was ready, and Mr. Stanley left London for Zanzibar. Meantime he 
was as busy as he could be, getting together stores and selecting the 
staff who were to accompany him. He received hundreds of appli- 
cations from all quarters, and the work of selection was a trying one. 
Those chosen, it was believed, were well fitted in every way for the 
trying work before them ; and, on the whole, the expectations formed 
have been fulfilled. 



INTRODUCTORY. 9 

The names of Major Barttelot, Captain Nelson, Lieutenant Stairs, 
Dr. Parke, Dr. Bonny, Mr. Jephson, Mr. Jamieson, Mr. Ward, and Mr. 
Rose Troup have been more or less associated with this unique ex- 
pedition. Two of them, alas, Major Barttelot and Mr. Jamieson, are 
among the fallen. 

On January 27th, Mr. Stanley arrived at Alexandria, and went on 
to Cairo, and there had interviews with the Khedive and with Dr. 
Junker, who was on his way home after many years' sojourn in the 
Soudan ; Dr. Junker was able to give Mr. Stanley some useful informa- 
tion. Zanzibar was reached on the 21st, and so well had everything 
been arranged that on the 25th Mr. Stanley was able to telegraph 
home : " I have embarked the expedition on board the Madura, be- 
ing occupied the whole day. It consists on its departure of nine 
European officers, sixty-one Soudanese, thirteen Somalis, three inter- 
preters, 620 Zanzebaris, the famous Tippu Tib, and 407 of his peo- 
ple. Couriers have gone overland to Uganda, and others to Stanley 
Falls." Emin, indeed, knew long before the expedition reached him 
that relief was coming. In introducing the name of Tippu Tib, it 
may be well to recall the fact that it was considered prudent by Con- 
sul Holmwood to bring about an understanding between that crafty 
"Arab" and the King of the Belgians, whereby, for certain consid- 
erations, Tippu was to occupy the abandoned Stanley Falls Station 
as an officer of the Congo Free State. It was absolutely necessary 
to obtain the good-will of this man, as Mr. Stanley looked to him to 
supply 600 carriers to help the expedition from the falls to the Al- 
bert Nyanza or Wadelai. Tippu's failure, whether intentionally or 
otherwise we need not inquire, to carry out his promises, led, it is 
well known, to disaster. After touching at the cape, which was left 
on March 10th, the Madura steamed up the West Coast to the mouth 
of the Congo, Banana Point being reached on March 18th. Here 
several small steamers were chartered to take the expedition up to 
Matadi, the limit of navigation on the lower river, beyond which lie 
200 miles of cataracts that would have to be passed by land. As 
this is only a prologue to the stirring drama exhibited in Mr. Stan- 
ley's letters, and not a history of the expedition, the details of the 
journey up the river to the mouth of the Aruwimi, with all its vexa- 
tions and delays, need not be described here. The Aruwimi was 



10 INTRODUCTORY. 

reached early in June by Mr. Stanley and a first contingent, and after 
an intrenched camp was established at Yambuya, some distance from 
the mouth of the river, a final start was made towards Wadelai on 
June 28th, 1887 ; Major Barttelot, Dr. Bonny, Mr. Jamieson, Mr. Rose 
Troup, and Mr. Ward, were left behind as officers of the rear guard. 
The letters tell the rest. But before the first of them reached us on 
April 1, 1889, rumor after rumor came out of the darkness of the 
Dark Continent as to the fate of the expedition, which kept the civ- 
ilized world in a constant state of anxious tension. But those who 
knew Mr. Stanley best felt confident all along that he was not the 
man to die till his work was done ; still the relief which was brought 
to us with his first letters, full of sadness and disaster though they 
were, was intense. 

Besides Mr. Stanley's own letters, a few by the members of his 
staff have been introduced into the collection, so as to make the 
epistolary and preliminary narrative fairly complete ; we shall all 
await, with eager expectation, Mr. Stanley's detailed narrative of 
what has been, in some respects, the most remarkable expedition 
that ever entered Africa. 

J. S. K. 



CONTENTS. 



ROUTE MAP Frontispiece 

LETTER I. page 

En route 15 

LETTER II. 
In the Forest — Looking for the Rear-guard 17 

LETTER III. 
Major Barttelot tells his Story ... 27 

LETTER IV. 

Mr. Stanley and Tippu Tib — First News of Success 35 

LETTER V. 

From Yambuya to the Albert Nyanza— Through the Ituri Forests — 

Meeting with Emin 36 

LETTER VI. 

Further Details of the March — Picture of an African Forest . . 55 

LETTER VII. 
Geographical Results between Yambuya and the Albert Nyanza . <52 

LETTER VIII. 

The March to the Coast — Discoveries by the Way — Imprisonment 

of Emin and Mr. Jephson— The Mahdi 79 



12 CONTENTS. 

LETTER IX. page 

The Difficulty with Emin — Treachery of the Egyptians— Muster of 
the Fugitives — The March to the East Coast — Stanley's Illness — 
New Geographical Discoveries 99 

LETTER X. 

Various Incidents of the Expedition — Discovery after Discovery . 120 

LETTER XI. 

From Mr. Jephson to Mr. Stanley — Letter from the Mahdi's General 

to Emin — Letters from Lupton Bey to Emin 124 

LETTER XII. 

Geographical Results from the Albert Nyanza to Uzinja .... 132 

LETTER XIII. 
Geographical Problems 148 

LETTER XIV. 
From Emin Pasha to the Relief Committee 159 

LETTER XV. 
The Troubles with the Rear Column .160 

APPENDIX. 
Africa's Cortez (by David Ker) 171 




EMIN PASHA. 



THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 



AS TOLD IN 



H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 



LETTER I 

EN ROUTE. 



The following are extracts from some letters of Mr. H. 
M. Stanley, dated from the steamer Serjpa Pinto, River 
Congo, March 20, and Matadi, 21, 1887: 

"We left Table Bay on the evening of March 10th, and 
arrived on the morning of March 18th, at Banana Point, 
after a pleasant and satisfactory voyage. Daring the day I 
chartered the steamers Serjpa Pinto, a Portuguese vessel, the 
R. A. Nieman from the Dutch House, and the Albuquerque 
from the British Congo Company, the united capacity of 
which was 645 men, 20 donkeys, 30 goats, and 150 tons gen- 
eral cargo. We shipped all these on the morning of the 
19th. The steamer Heron, State vessel, will bring up all 
else on the morning of the 20th. 

" We hope to be united in camp at Matadi by the evening 
of the 22d. By the 27th, as estimated in London, I hope to 
be on my way. 

" We have had three deaths out of 800, and we shall prob- 
ably be obliged to leave a dozen behind sick. We have had 



16 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 

no epidemics aboard. I do not know of any expedition 
from Zanzibar to the Congo which has had such a wonder- 
ful immunity from sickness. Ten per cent, is the usual rate 
of reduction from the numbers of physically fit; ours is one 
and a half at the utmost. All the Europeans are in excel- 
lent condition. Some of them are wonderful workers, and 
they all save me an immense amount of anxiety and labor 
by the quick and ready manner of going about their duties." 

" There was a row soon after leaving Zanzibar. The 620 
Zanzibaris and ninety Tippu Tib's men crowded the Soudan- 
ese into a hot and stifling place between decks. Strangers 
all round them, and no one understanding their guttural 
Arabic, the poor fellows became frantic and abused the 
strangers right and left. This led to blows. Sticks, clubs, 
and firewood flew in all directions, and the matter looked 
serious. We dashed in, however, with our sticks, and, flour- 
ishing them in earnest, the Zanzibari mob was driven back. 
The Soudanese were marched into another part of the ves- 
sel, and sentries placed to bar the sections between the op- 
posing factions. Now, among our colored people there is 
perfect peace and contentment. The Somalis are excellent 
fellows, intelligent and willing. 

"At Boma the committee in charge of the administration 
of the Congo Free State came on board, and Lieutenant 
Yalcke, the president, informed me that a serious famine 
existed as far as Stanley Pool. He also said that the Stan- 
ley steamer is at present hauled up for repairs. You can 
imagine, then, that I shall have some work to do to reach 
Emin Pasha. We have to march through a country suffer- 
ing from famine, but we shall find means to live somehow. 
We shall have to collect transport steamers together and 
repair those in need of repair, and we shall manage this 
somehow. The refusal of the Baptist Mission to lend their 
steamer Peace is a great disappointment, and a poor return 
for the services I have rendered them in the past. 



AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 17 

"My thoughts at leisure moments are fixed, as you may 
suppose, on this important question, and I shall know no 
happiness until I am on terra firma on the Upper Congo." 



LETTER II. 

IN THE FOREST — LOOKING FOR THE REAR-GUARD. 

[Letters from Mr. Stanley to Major Barttelot.] 

Camp on S. Bank, Aruwimi River, opposite Arab settlement, 
September 18, 1887. 

My dear Major, — You will, I am certain, be as glad to 
get news, definite and clear, of our movements as I am to 
feel that I have at last an opportunity of presenting them to 
you. As they will be of immense comfort to you and your 
assistants and followers, I shall confine myself to give you 
the needful details. We have travelled 340 English miles 
to make only 192 geographical miles of our easterly course. 
This has been performed in 83 days, which gives us a rate 
of 4 I 1 - miles per day. We have yet to make 130 geograph- 
ical miles, or a winding course, perhaps, of 230 English 
miles, which, at the same rate of march as hitherto, we may 
make in 55 days. We started from Yambuya 389 souls, 
whites and blacks. We have now 333, of whom 56 are so 
sick that we are obliged to leave them behind us at this 
Arab camp of Ugarrowwa. We are 56 men short of the 
number with which we left Yambuya. Of these thirty men 
have died — four from poisoned arrows — six left in the bush 
or speared by the natives ; 26 have deserted en route, think- 
ing they would be able to follow a caravan of Manyema 
which we met following the river downward. But this 
caravan, instead of going on, returned to this place, and our 
deserters, misled by this, will probably follow our track 
2 



18 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 

downward until they meet you or be exterminated by the 
natives. Be not deluded by any statements they may make. 
Were I to send men to you, I, of course, would send you a 
note, but in no instance a verbal message, or any message at 
all, by the scum of the camp. Should you meet them you 
will have to secure them thoroughly. 

The first day we left you we made a good march, which 
terminated in a fight, the foolish natives firing their own 
village as they fled. Since that day we have had probably 
thirty fights. The first view of us by the natives had in- 
spired them to show fight. As far as Panga Falls we did 
not lose a man or meet with any serious obstacles to naviga- 
tion. Panga is a big cataract with a decided fall. We cut 
a road round it on the south bank and dragged our canoes 
and went on again. 

We had intended to follow a native path which would 
take us towards our destination with usual windings of the 
road. For ten days we searched for a road, and then took 
an elephant track, which took us into an interminable forest, 
totally uninhabited. Fearing to lose ourselves altogether, 
we cut a road to the river, and have followed the river ever 
since. From the point whence we struck the river to Mug- 
wye's country — four days' journey below Panga — we fared 
very well. Food was abundant ; we made long marches, 
and no halts whatever. Beyond Mugwye's up to Engwed- 
deh was a wilderness, eleven days' march, villages being in- 
land and mostly foodless. From this date our strength de- 
clined rapidly. People were lost in the bush as they searched 
for food or were slain by the natives. Ulcers, dysentery, 
and grievous sickness, ending in fatal debility, attacked the 
people. Hence our enormous loss since leaving Panga — 
thirty dead and twenty-six deserters. Besides which we are 
obliged to leave fifty-six behind so used up that without a 
long rest they would also soon die. Of the Somalis one is 
dead (Achmet), the other five are at this camp until our re- 



AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 19 

turn from the Lake. Of the Soudanese, one is dead ; we 
leave three behind to-day. All the whites are in perfect 
condition to-day, thinnish, but with plenty of go. 

Among our fights we have had over fifty wounded, but 
they all recovered except four. Stairs was severely wound- 
ed with an arrow, which penetrated an inch and a half, within 
a little below the heart, in the left breast. He is all right 
now. 

We have had one man shot dead by some person unknown 
in the camp ; another was shot in the foot, resulting in am- 
putation. This latter case, now in a fair state of health, we 
leave behind to-day. The number of hours we have marched 
ought to have taken us back to you by this time, but we had 
to daily hew our path through forest and jungle to keep 
along the river, because the river-banks were populated. 
The forest inland contains no settlements that we know or 
have heard of. By means of canoes we were able to help the 
caravan carry the sick and several loads. The boat helped 
us immensely. Were I to do the work over again, I should 
collect canoes as large as possible, man them with sufficient 
paddlers, and load up with goods and sick. On the river 
between Yambuya and Mugwye's country the canoes are 
numerous and tolerably large. The misfortune is that the 
Zanzibaris are exceedingly poor boatmen. In my force there 
are only about fifty who can paddle or pull an oar, but even 
these have saved our caravan immense labor and many lives 
which otherwise would have been sacrificed. 

Our plan has been to paddle from one rapid to another. 
On reaching strong water, or shoals, we have unloaded ca- 
noes and poled or dragged them up with long rattan or other 
creepers through the rapids, then loaded up again and pur- 
sued our way until we met another obstacle. The want of 
sufficient and proper food regularly pulls people down very 
fast, and they have not that strength to carry the loads which 
has distinguished them while with me in other parts of Af- 



20 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 

rica. Therefore any means to lighten the labor of the cara- 
van is commendable. 

If Tippu Tib's people have not yet joined you I do not 
expect you will be very far from Yambuya. You can make 
two journeys by river for one that you can do on land. 
Slow as we have been coming up and cutting our way 
through, I shall come down river like lightning. The river 
will be a friend indeed, for the current alone will take us 
twenty miles a day, and I will pick up as many canoes as 
possible to help us up river for our second journey up river. 
Follow the river closely, and do not lose sight of our track. 
When the caravan which takes this passes you look out for 
your men, or they will run in a body, taking valuable goods 
with them. 

Give my best salaams and kind remembrances from us all 
to your fellows. Bid them cheer up ; so many miles a day 
will take you here in so many days. It depends on your 
own going and your power how many or how few you will 
be. 

I need not say that I wish you the best of health and luck 
and good-fortune, because you are a part of myself. There- 
fore good-bye. 

Yours very truly, 

Henry M. Stanley. 
Major Barttelot. 

• •••»•• 

[Written in pencil on the first corner of the above is the 
following : " Dear Major, — I send this on to you ; the for- 
mer attempt was a failure. — W. E. Stairs."] 

Fort Bodo, Ibwri District, Feb. 14, 1888. 
My dear Major, — After much deliberation with my offi- 
cers upon the expediency of the act, I have resolved to send 
twenty couriers to you with this letter, which I know will 
be welcome to you and your comrades, as the briefest note 
or even word from you would be to us. 



AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 21 

Fort Bodo is 126 English miles from Kavalli, on the Al- 
bert Nyanza, or 77 hours of caravan marching (west), and is 
almost on the same latitude. It is 527 English miles almost 
direct east from Yambuya, or 352 hours of caravan march- 
ing. You can easily find out where it is by tracing on your 
map a straight line from Yambuya to Kavalli, and dividing 
that line into five equal parts; four-fifths would be the dis- 
tance from Yambuya, and one-fifth from our port on the 
Nyanza. 

I send a little tracing of our route sufficiently exact for 
your use, and on it I have marked six principal places where 
food may be had between Yambuya and the Nyanza. 

First, Mugwye's villages, on the north bank of river, 184 
English miles, or 124 hours' caravan marching from Yam- 
buya. The villages are five in number, backed by extensive 
cultivations of manioc, bananas, and Indian-corn. 

Second, Aveysheba villages, fifty-nine English miles, or 
thirty -six hours' marching. These villages are on south 
bank, near a lazy creek thirty-five yards wide. There were 
five villages here when we passed, and abundance of very 
large bananas. Ten miles higher up on north bank there is 
an extensive settlement close to river, untouched by us. It 
is situated at the foot of a rapid. By sending the guns 
across river from Aveysheba you would gain better access 
to these. 

Third, confluence of the Nepoko with the Aruwimi. Vil- 
lages on south bank, opposite the big cataract of the Nepoko, 
which tumbles into the Aruwimi in fine view of landing- 
place. Nepoko is almost as large as the Aruwimi, therefore 
you cannot mistake it. We found abundance at these vil- 
lages, which are numerous and scattered. They are situated 
thirty-nine miles above Aveysheba, or twenty-six hours' car- 
avan marching. 

Fourth is Ugarrowwa's, an Arab settlement on north bank. 
Hospitality would be given, but food would be dear, and you 



22 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 

would have to disburse cloth. It is ninety-three miles above 
the last place, or sixty-two hours' inarching. 

Fifth, Fort Bodo, is a place built by us in Ibwiri after our 
return from the Albert Nyanza. We have abundance of 
food here. To-day our stock inside the fort consists of four 
cows and a calf, ten goats, three of these being milch goats, 
six tons of Indian-corn. Outside the fort we have four acres 
planted in corn and half an acre of beans. We have bananas 
for two miles west of us and half a mile on either side of the 
fort. Our houses are comfortable, whitewashed within and 
without. The men mostly sleek and glossy. Stairs, Nel- 
son, Parke, and Williams are with me here. Jephson is out 
foraging for live-stock, and hope to see him to-morrow. Our 
force consists of 184 present, eleven at Ipoto, fifty -six at 
Ugarrowwa's — total rank and file, 251 souls. 

By the new road we estimate Fort Bodo to be distant from 
Ugarrowwa's 162 English miles, or 108 hours' marching for 
caravan. 

Sixth is the brow of the plateau looking down on the 
Albert Nyanza, and between it and Fort Bodo we have ex- 
perienced no want of provisions of all kinds necessary. 

The object of this letter is not only to encourage and 
cheer you and your people up with definite and exact infor- 
mation of your whereabouts and the land ahead of you, but 
to save you from a terrible wilderness whence we all nar- 
rowly escaped with our lives. I wrote you from Ugarrow- 
wa's a letter sufficiently detailed to enable you to understand 
what our experience was between Yambuya and Ugarrow- 
wa's, therefore I began from Ugarrowwa's, and go east to 
the Nyanza. 

After leaving Ugarrowwa's on September 19th we had 285 
souls with us, and 56 sick at Ugarrowwa's — total, 341. By 
October 6th we had travelled along south bank of river, 
amid a country depopulated and devastated by Arabs ; and 
our condition was such, from a constant pinching want, that 



AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 23 

we had eight deaths and 52 sick — that is, 60 utterly used up 
in 16 days. I was forced to leave Captain Nelson, lamed 
by ulcers, and 52 sick and 82 loads with him, at a camp near 
the river, while we would explore ahead, find provisions, and 
send back relief. 

Until October 18th we marched in the hope of obtaining 
food, and on this day we entered a settlement of Manyuema, 
but in the interval we had travelled through an uninhabited 
forest, where we lived on wild fruit and fungi. In these 
twelve days we had lost twenty-two by desertion and death, 
but the condition of the survivors was terrible. 

We were all emaciated and haggard, but the majority 
•were mere skeletons. On the 29th Nelson's party was 
relieved, but out of fifty -two there were only five left. 
Many had died, many had deserted, about twenty were 
out foraging, out of which party ultimately only ten 
turned up. 

On October 28th we marched from the Manyuema settle- 
ment for this place, Ibvviri. Here we found such an abun- 
dance that we halted to recuperate until November 24th. On 
this day the advance column mustered as follows : Sick at 
Ugarrowwa's (Arab settlement), 56 ; sick at Manyuema set- 
tlement, 38 ; present in Ibwiri, 174 — total, 268. On Sep- 
tember 19th we numbered 341 ; November 24th, 268 ; dead 
and missing, 73. 

Beyond this place, Ibwiri, no Arab or Manyuem had ever 
penetrated, consequently we suffered no scarcity, and on 
November 24th we marched from Ibwiri for the Albert Lake, 
which we reached December 13th, having lost only one by 
death, result of wilderness miseries, and we returned to this 
place from the Albert Lake January 7th, having lost only 
four, two of whom died from cause of wilderness miseries — 
one Klamis Kaurnru (chief), inflammation of the lungs one 
Ramagitebin Kuru, fever and ague contracted near lake. 
Thus, between November 24th and January 7th, we had lost 



24 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 

but five ; three of these deaths were the result of privations 
undergone in the wilderness. 

We first met the Manyuema on the last day of August, 
and parted from them January 6th. In this interval we have 
lost 118 through death and desertion. In their camps it 
was as bad as in the wilderness, for they ground us down by 
extortion so extreme that we were naked in a short time. 
They tempted the Zanzibaris to sell their rifles and ammu- 
nition, ramrods, officers' blankets, etc., and then gave food 
so sparingly that these crimes were of no avail. Finally, be- 
sides starving them, tempting them to ruin the expedition, 
they speared them, scourged them, and tied them up, until 
in one case death ended his miseries. * 

Never were such abject slaves of slaves as our people had 
become under the influence of the Manyuema. Yet withal 
they preferred death by scourging, spearing, starvation, ill- 
treatment, to the duty of load-bearing and marching on to 
happier regions. Out of thirty-eight men left at the Man- 
yuema camp eleven have died, eleven others may turn up, 
but it is doubtful. However, we have only received sixteen ; 
sixteen out of thirty-eight ! Comment is unnecessary. 

When we left the Manyuema camp, October 28th, we were 
obliged to leave our boat and seventy loads behind, as it was 
absolutely impossible to carry them. Parke and Nelson 
were detailed to look after them. We hoped that we should 
find some tree out of which we could make a sizable canoe, 
or buy or seize one ready-made. Arriving at the JNyanza, 
we found neither tree nor canoe, therefore were obliged to 
retrace our steps here quickly to send men back to the Man- 
yuema settlement for the boat and loads. The boat and 
thirty-seven loads were brought here by Stairs and nearly 
one hundred men the day before yesterday. 

You will understand, then, that Emin Pasha not being 
found or relieved by us, made it as much necessary that we 
should devote ourselves to this work, as it was imperative 



AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 25 

when we set out, June 28, 1887, from Yambuya. And you 
will also understand how anxious we are all about you. We 
dread your inexperience and your want of influence with 
your people. If with me people preferred the society 
of the Manyuema blackguards to me, who am known to 
them for twenty years, how much more so with you, a 
stranger to them and their language ! Therefore, the cords 
of anxiety are strained to exceeding tension. I am pulled 
east to Emin Pasha and drawn west to you, your comrades, 
people, and goods. 

Nearly eight months have elapsed, and perhaps you have 
not had a word from ns, though I wrote a long letter from 
Ugarrowwa's. We were to have been back by December; 
it is now February, and no one can conjecture how far you 
may have reached. Did the Stanley arrive in due time? 
Did she arrive at all ? Did Tippu Tib join you ? Are you 
alone with your party, or is Tippu Tib with you ? If the 
latter, why so slow that we have not had a word ? If alone, 
we understand that you are very far from us? These are 
questions daily agitating us. 

Therefore we are agreed that, while we bear the boat to 
the Albert Nyanza to make a final finish with Emin Pasha 
we should try to communicate witfy you. With that view I 
have called for volunteers at £10 per head reward to bear 
this letter to you even as far as Yambuya, if (as it might 
chance, for all we know to the contrary) you have not start- 
ed, and to return to me with your news. To us who have 
gone over the ground Yambuya seems about a month's dis- 
tance only. Stairs escorts the twenty as far as Ugarrowwa's, 
and brings to me the fifty-six men, who are all recovered (as 
we hear). Stairs, on his return, will find me about five days 
from the lake, and we will then push on fast to the lake 
when he has joined us. 

According to my calculation, we shall be on the Lake April 
10th. All about Emin Pasha will be settled by April 25th ; on 



26 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 

the 13th of May we shall be back here, and on the 29th we 
shall be at Ugarrowwa's, if we have not met you. We shall 
surely, I hope, meet with the return messengers. Re these 
messengers, I should advise your keeping two of them as 
guides — Ruga, Rugu — in front, but they should be free of 
loads. Send the eighteen and two others back to me as 
soon as you can, because the sooner we hear from you the 
sooner we will join hands ; and after settling the Emin 
Pasha question we shall have only one anxiety, which will 
be to get you safely up here. 

Assuming that Tippu Tib's people are with you, our guides 
(two) will bring you quickly on here, and we shall probably 
meet here or at Ugarrowwa's ; the Stanley arrived within 
reasonable time, you have arrived at some place about twen- 
ty-tw T o or twenty-four of our former journeys from Yam- 
buya, below Mugwye's, as I take it. Hence, before you get 
near the Arab influence, where your column will surely 
break up if yon are alone, I order you to go to the nearest 
place (Mugwye's, Aveysheba, or Nepoko confluence) that is to 
you, and there to build a strong camp and wait us, but what- 
ever you decide upon, let me know. If you come near 
Ugarrowwa's you will lose men, rifles, powder, everything 
of value; your own boys will betray you, because they will 
sell food so dearly that your people, from stress of hunger, 
will steal everything. 

At either of the three places above you will get safety and 
food until we relieve you. So long as you are stationary 
there is no fear of desertion, but tbe daily task, added to 
constant insufficiency of food, will sap the fidelity of your 
best men. (These directions are only in case of your being 
alone without Arab aid. If Tippu Tib's people are with 
you, I presume you are coming along slowly.) 

With everybody's best wishes to you, I send my earnest 
prayer — that you are, despite all unwholesome and evil con- 
jectures, where you ought to be, and that this letter will 



AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 27 

reach you in time to save you from that forest misery and 
from the fangs of the ruthless Manyueman blackguards. To 
every one of your officers, also, these good wishes are given 
from Tours most sincerely, 

Henry M. Stanley. 
To Major Barttelot, Commanding Rear Column, E. P. R. E. 



LETTER III. 

MAJOR BARTTELOT TELLS HIS STORY. 

[The following letter from Major Barttelot was received 
in London, September 19, 1888.] 

Yambuya Camp, June 4, 1888. 

To Mr. William MacKinnon, President of the Emin Pasha Relief 
Expedition. 

Sir, — I have the honor to report to you that we are about 
to make a move, though with far less numbers than I orig- 
inally intended. Tippu Tib has at last, but w T ith great re- 
luctance, given us 400 men. I also have obtained from 
another Arab called Muni Somai thirty more carriers; we 
shall move not earlier than the 9th of June, and our forces 
will be as follows: Soudanese 22, rifles 22; Zanzibaris 110, 
rifles 110, loads 90 ; Manyuema 430, muskets 300, loads 380. 
The officers who are going are Major Barttelot, in command ; 
Mr. J. S. Jamieson, second in command; Mr. W. Bonny; 
Sheik Muni Somai, in command of Manyuema force. 

Sheik Muni Somai is an Arab of Kibuyeh, who volun- 
teered to accompany the expedition as commander under 
me of the native contingent. 

On May 8th the Belgian Steamer A.I. A. y with M. Yan 
Kerkhoven, the chief of Bangala, arrived here, having on 



28 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 

board Mr. Ward's escort of thirty Zanzibaris and four Sou- 
danese, one Soudanese dying at Bangala. 

May Wth. — They left us to go to Stanley Falls. 

May 14th. — I left for Stanley Falls, going overland and 
catching the steamer at Gallasula, on the Congo. I pro- 
ceeded with the Belgians to the Falls on May 22d. 

Mr. Jamieson and Tippu Tib, with 400 men, returned 
from Kasengo. 

Mr. Jamieson wrote to you while at Kasengo of his pro- 
ceedings there. He told me on arrival that Tippu Tib had 
promised him 800 men, but would make no written agree- 
ment with him. 

May 23d. — I had my palaver with Tippu Tib. He then 
told me he could only let me have 400 men, 300 of whom 
were to carry forty -pound loads, and 100 twenty -pound 
loads. He said the men were present, and ready to start as 
soon as I had my loads ready. I told him of what he had 
promised Mr. Jamieson at Kasengo, but he said never had 
any mention of 800 men been made, only of the 400 ; that 
it was quite impossible he could give us more men, as he 
was short of men at Kasengo and Nyanjwe, as he was at 
present engaged in so many wars that he had completely 
drained the country. I was forced to submit, but hoped 
that he might be able to collect another 100 or so at and 
around Yambuya. 

Tippu then asked me if I wanted a headman, stating that 
in the former agreement Mr. Stanley had said that if a 
headman was taken he should be paid. I replied, " Certain- 
ly, I want a headman." He then presented me to the Arab, 
Muni Somai. This man agreed to come, and I send you the 
terms I settled with him. 

I got back to Camp Yambuya May 30th. June 4th, the 
Stanley steamer arrived, and the A. I. A., the former bringing 
Belgian officers for the Falls Station, the latter Tippu Tib him- 
self. June 5th, I had another palaver with Tippu Tib, asking 



AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 29 

him where were the 250 men already sent. He explained 
to me that they had been dispersed, and on trying to collect 
them they refused to come, owing to the bad reports brought 
in by the deserters, and that as they were subjects and not 
slaves, he could not force them. That was the reason why 
he had brought 400 entirely fresh men from Kasengo for us. 

However, Tippu said he could let me have thirty more 
men of Muni Somai. This, as I was so terribly short of 
men, I agreed to. 

Muni Somai himself appears a willing man, and very anx- 
ious to do his best. He volunteered for the business. I 
trust you will not think his payment excessive, but the anx- 
iety it takes away as regards his men and the safety of the 
loads is enormous, for he is responsible for all the Manyue- 
ma and the loads they carry, and thus saves the white offi- 
cers an amount of work and responsibility which they can 
now devote to other purposes. 

The loads we do not take are to be sent to Bangala. 
They will be loaded up in the A. I. A., or Stanley, on June 
8th, a receipt being given for them by Mr. Yan Kerkhoven, 
which is marked B and forwarded to you, also a letter of 
instructions to him and to Mr. Ward. Perhaps you would 
kindly give the requisite order concerning the loads and the 
two canoes purchased in March for Mr. Ward's transport, 
also for those stores purchased by Mr. Ward on behalf of 
the expedition, as it is nearly certain I shall not return this 
way, and shall therefore have no further need of them or 
him. Mr. Troup, who is in a terrible condition of debility 
and internal disarrangement, is proceeding home at his own 
request. Mr. Bonny's certificate of his unfitness is attached, 
and his application marked E, also letters concerning pas- 
sage, etc., to M. Fontaine, marked F. I have given him a 
passage home at the expense of the expedition, as I am sure 
it would be your and their wish. 

My intentions on leaving this camp are to make the best 



30 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 

of my way along the same route taken by Mr. Stanley. 
Should I get no tidings of him along the road, to proceed 
as far as Kavalli, and then, if I hear nothing there, to pro- 
ceed to Kibero. If I can ascertain either at Kavalli or Ki- 
bero his whereabouts, no matter how far it may be, I will 
endeavor to reach him. Should he be in a fix, I will do my 
utmost to relieve him. If neither at Kavalli nor Kibero I 
can obtain tidings of him, I shall go on the Wadelai and as- 
certain from Emin Pasha, if he be there still, if he has any 
news of Mr. Stanley, also of his own intentions as regards 
staying or leaving. I will persuade him, if possible, to come 
out with me, and, if necessary, aid me in my search for Mr. 
Stanley. Should it for sundry reasons be unnecessary to 
look further for Mr. Stanley, I will place myself and force 
at his disposal to act as his escort, proceeding by whichever 
route is most feasible, so long as it is not through Uganda, 
as in that event the Manyuemas would leave me, as I have 
promised Tippu Tib they shall not go there, and that I will 
bring them back or send a white officer with them back to 
their own country by the shortest and quickest route on com- 
pletion of my object. This is always supposing Emin Pasha 
to be there and willing to come away. It may be he only 
needs ammunition to get away by himself, in which case I 
would in all probability be able to supply him, and would 
send three-fourths of my Zanzibar force and my two officers 
with him, and would myself, with the other Zanzibaris, ac- 
company the Manyuemas back to Tippu Tib's country, and 
so to the coast, by the shortest route — viz., by the Mwuta- 
Ezigi, Tanganyika, and Ujiji. This is also the route I 
should take should we be unable to find Stanley, or, from 
the reasons either that he is not there or does not wish to 
come, relieve Emin Pasha. 

I need not tell you that all our endeavors will be most 
strenuous to make the quest in which we are going a success, 
and I hope that my actions may meet with the approval of 



AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 31 

the committee, and that they will suspend all judgment con- 
cerning those actions, either in the present, past, or future, 
till I or Mr. Jamieson return home. 

Rumor is always rife, and is seldom correct, concerning 
Mr. Stanley. I can hear no news whatever, though my labors 
in that direction have been most strenuous. He is not dead 
to the best of my belief, nor of the Arabs here or at Kasen- 
go. I have been obliged to open Mr. Stanley's boxes, as I 
cannot carry all his stuff, and I had no other means of ascer- 
taining what was in them. Two cases of Madeira were also 
sent him. One case I am sending back ; the other has been 
half given to Mr. Troup ; the other half we take as medical 
comforts. Concerning Tippu Tib I have nothing to say 
beyond that he has broken faith with us, and can only con- 
jecture from surrounding events and circumstances the 
cause of his unreasonable delay in supplying men, and the 
paucity of that supply. 

I deem it my bounden duty to proceed on this business, 
in which I am fully upheld by both Mr. Jamieson and Mr. 
Bonny. To wait longer would be both useless and culpable, 
as Tippu Tib has not the remotest intention of helping us 
any more, and to withdraw would be pusillanimous, and, I 
am certain, entirely contrary to your wishes and those of 
the committee. 

I calculate it will take me from three to four months to 
reach the lakes, and from seven to nine more to reach the 
coast. 

I have much pleasure in stating that from all the officers 
of the State with whom I have come in contact, or from 
whom I have solicited aid, I have met with a most willing 
and ready response, which is highly gratifying. I would 
particularly mention Captain Yan Kerkhoven, chief of Ben- 
gala, and Lieutenant Liebrechts, chief of Stanley Pool, and 
I trust that they may meet with the reward and merit they 
deserve. 



32 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 

June 6tk. — This morning Tippu Tib sent for me and asked 
me if I thought he would get his money for the men. I 
told him I could give no assurance of that. He then said 
he must have a guarantee, which I and Mr. Jamieson have 
given ; terms of agreement and guarantee are attached. 
All receipts, agreements, etc., made between Arabs and my- 
self, and signed by them, I have sent to Mr. Holmwood, and 
the copies of same to you. 

June Stk. — This morning I had the loads for Tippu Tib's 
and Muni Somai's men stacked, and Tippu Tib himself 
came down to see them prior to issuing. However, he took 
exception to the loads, said they were too heavy (the heavi- 
est was forty-five pounds), and his men could not carry 
them. Two days before he had expressed his approbation 
of the weight of the very same loads he refused to-day. I 
pointed out to him that he, as well as I, knew the difficulty 
of getting any load other than a bale to scale the exact 
weight, and that the loads his men carried were far above 
the prescribed weight of sixty pounds. We were to have 
started to-morrow, so we shall not now start till the 11th or 
12th of June, as I am going to make all his loads weigh 
exactly forty pounds. It is partly our fault, as we should 
have been more particular to get the exact weight. The 
average weight overdue was about two pounds, some loads 
being two pounds under. But it is not the weight of the 
loads he takes exception to — in reality it is having to per- 
form the business at all. He has been almost forced to it 
by letters received from Mr. Holmwood against his own, 
and more than against the wish of his fellow Arabs ; and, 
filled with aspirations and ambitions of a very large nature, 
the whole business has become thoroughly distasteful to 
him, which his professed friendship for Stanley cannot even 
overcome. His treatment of us this morning showed that 
most thoroughly. But should he not act up to his contract, 
I hope it will be taken most serious notice of when it comes 







I 



ii 



■ilri I 



Tirpu TIB. 



AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 33 

to the day of settling up. He has got us tight fixed at pres- 
ent, but it should not always be so. 

On our road lie many Arab settlements to within a month 
of Lake Albert Nyanza, though the distance between some 
of them is bad, and the inhabitants of that distance warlike. 
I shall, whenever opportunity offers, hire carriers, if not for 
the whole time, at any rate from station to station, for of 
course death, sickness, and desertions must be looked for, and 
I must get my loads in as intact as possible to my destination. 

This is when Muni Somai will be so useful. We seem to 
have paid a big price for his services, but then he is a big 
Arab, and in proportion to his bigness is his influence over 
the Manyuema to keep them together, to stop desertions, 
thefts, etc. A lesser Arab would have been cheaper, but his 
influence would have been less, and in consequence our loads 
gradually less, and loads mean health and life and success, 
and therefore cannot be estimated at too high a value. We 
are carrying light loads, and intend to do at first very easy 
marches, and, when I get into the open country by Uganda, 
to push on. 

We weighed all the loads before one of Tippu Tib's head- 
men, and he passed loads which had been condemned short- 
ly before in the morning, which fully shows that for some 
reason or other he wishes to delay us here, but for what pur- 
pose I cannot say. 

June 9th. — We shall easily be able to start by the 11th, but 
I am sorry to say our loss of ammunition by the lightening 
of the loads — for it was the ammunition they particularly 
took notice of — is something enormous. 

Both the A. 1. A. and the Stanley left this morning for 
Stanley Falls, but Tippu Tib and his Belgian secretary re- 
main behind, also four ship-carpenters, whom Captain Vau- 
gele and M. Yan Kerkhoven left with us to help us. The 
Belgians have behaved with very great kindness to us and 
helped us on our way enormously. 
3 



34 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 

Before I close I would wish to add that the services of 
Mr. J. S. Jaraieson have been, are, and will be invaluable to 
me. Never during his period of service with me have I had 
one word of complaint from him. His alacrity, capacity, 
and willingness to work are unbounded, while his cheeriness 
and kindly disposition have endeared him to all. I have 
given Ward orders about any telegram you may send, and 
Tippu Tib has promised he will send a messenger after me 
should it be necessary, provided I have not started more 
than a month. 

Tippu Tib waits here to see me off. 

I am sending a telegram to you to announce our depart- 
ure, and I will endeavor through the State to send you news 
whenever I can. But it would not surprise me if the Congo 
route was not blocked later on. 

I have not sent you a copy of Mr. Holmwood's letter, as 
it was not official, but of all others I have. I think I told 
you of everything of which I can write. There are many 
things I would wish to speak of, and no doubt I will do so 
should I be permitted to return home. 

Our ammunition (Remington) is as follows : rifles, 128 ; 
reserve rounds, per rifle, 279 ; rounds with rifle, 20 = 35,580. 

June 10th. — The loads have been weighed and handed 
over ; powder and caps issued to the Manyuema force, and we 
are all ready to start, which we shall do to-morrow morning. 
I have told you of all now I can think of, but I would bring 
finally to your notice that Tippu Tib has broken his faith 
and contract with us. The man Muni Somai I think means 
business, and therefore I trust all will be well. 

I have, etc., 

Edmund M. Baettelot, Major. 



AS TOLD IN II. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 35 

LETTER IY. 

MR. STANLEY AND TIPPU TIB : FIRST NEWS OF SUCCESS. 

[The following letter from Mr. Stanley to Tippu Tib ar- 
rived in Brussels on January 15, 1889.] 

Boma of Banalya (Urenia), August YWi. 
To the Sheikh Hamed Ben Mahomed * from his good friend Henry 
Stanley : 

Many salaams to you ! I hope you are in good health as 
I am, and that you have remained in good health since I left 
the Congo. I have many things to say to you, but I hope I 
shall see you face to face before many days. I reached this 
place this morning with 130 Wangwana and three soldiers 
and sixty-six natives belonging to Emin Pasha. This is now 
the eighty-second day since we left Emin Pasha on the Ny- 
anza, and we have only lost three men all the way. Two 
of them were drowned and the other ran away. 

I found the white men whom I was looking for. Emin 
Pasha was quite well, and the other white man, Casati, was 
quite well also. Emin has ivory in abundance, cattle by 
thousands, and sheep, goats, fowls, and food of all kinds. 
We found him to be a very good and kind man. lie gave 
numbers of things to all our white and black men, and his 
liberality could not be exceeded. His soldiers blessed our 
black men for their kindness in coming so far to show them 
the way, and many of them were ready to follow me at once 
out of the country. But I asked them to stay quiet a few 
months, that I might go back and fetch the other men and 
goods I had left at Yambunga, and they prayed to God that 
He would give me the strength to finish my work. May 
their prayer be heard ! 

* Known in Europe as Tippu Tib. 



36 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 

And now, my friend, what are you going to do ? We 
have gone the road twice over. We know where it is bad 
and where it is good, where there is plenty of food and 
where there is none, where all the camps are, and where we 
shall sleep and rest. I am waiting to hear your words. If 
you go with me, it is well. I leave it to you. I will stay 
here ten days, and then I go on slowly. I move from here 
to a big island, two hours' march from here, and above this 
place there are plenty of houses and plenty of food for the 
men. Whatever you have to say to me, my ears will be 
open with a good heart, as it has always been towards you. 
Therefore, if you come, come quickly, for on the eleventh 
morning from this I shall move on. All my white men are 
well, but I left them all behind, except my servant, William, 
who is with me. 

(Signed) Stanley. 

[This letter, which was brought by a messenger to Stanley 
Falls, reached Brussels by post on January 15th. The re- 
mainder of the letters brought by the messenger remained 
at Stanley Falls, and did not arrive in Europe till the end 
of March.] 



LETTER V. 

FROM YAMBUYA TO THE ALBERT NYANZA I THROUGH THE ITURI 
FORESTS t MEETING WITH EMIN. 

[Received in London end of March, 1889.] 

Bunganeta Island, Ituri River, or Aruwimi River, August 28, 1888. 
To the Chairman of the Emin Pasha Relief Committee : 

Sir, — A short despatch, briefly announcing that we had 
placed the first instalment of relief in the hands of Emin 
Pasha on the Albert Nyanza, was sent to you by couriers 
from Stanley Falls, along with letters to Tippu Tib, the 
Arab governor of that district, on the 17th inst, within three 



AS TOLD IN II. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 37 

hours of our meeting with tlie rear column of the expedi- 
tion. I propose to relate to you the story of our move- 
ments since June 28, 1887. 

I had established an intrenched and palisaded camp at 
Yambuya, on the Lower Aruwimi, just below the first rapids. 
Major Edmund Barttelot, being senior of those officers with 
me, was appointed commandant. Mr. J. S. Jamieson, a vol- 
unteer, was associated with him. On the arrival of all men 
and goods from Bolobo and Stanley Pool, the officers still 
believed Messrs. Troup, Ward, and Bonny were to report to 
Major Barttelot for duty. But no important action or 
movement (according to letter of instructions given by me 
to the major before leaving) was to be made without con- 
sulting with Messrs. Jamieson, Troup, and Ward. The 
columns under Major Barttelot's orders mustered 257 men. 

As I requested the major to send you a copy of the in- 
structions issued to each officer, you are doubtless aware 
that the major was to remain at Yambuya until the arrival 
of the steamer from Stanley Pool with the officers, men, and 
goods left behind ; and, if Tippu Tib's promised contingent 
of carriers had in the mean time arrived, he was. to march 
his column and follow our track, which so long as it traversed 
the forest region would be known by the blazing of the 
trees, by our camps, and zaribas, etc. If Tippu Tib's carriers 
did not arrive, then, if he (the major) preferred moving on 
to staying at Yambuya, he was to discard such things as 
mentioned in letter of instructions, and commence making 
double and triple journeys by short stages, until I should 
come down from the Nyanza and relieve him. The instruc- 
tions were explicit, and, as the officers admitted, intelligible. 

The advance column, consisting of 389 officers and men, 
set out from Yambuya June 28, 1887. The first day we 
followed the river-bank, marched twelve miles, and arrived 
in the large district of Yankonde. At our approach the 
natives set fire to their villages, and under cover of the 



38 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 

smoke attacked the pioneers who were clearing the numer- 
ous obstructions they had planted before the first village. 
The skirmish lasted fifteen minutes. The second day we 
followed a path leading inland but trending east. We fol- 
lowed this path for five days through a dense population. 
Every art known to native minds for molesting, impeding, 
and wounding an enemy was resorted to ; but we passed 
through without the loss of a man. Perceiving that the 
path was taking us too far from our course, we cut a north- 
easterly track, and reached the river again on the 5th of July. 
From this date until the 18th of October we followed the 
left bank of Aruwimi. After seventeen days of continuous 
marching we halted one day for rest. On the twenty-fourth 
day from Yambuya we lost two men by desertion. In the 
month of July we made four halts only. On the 1st of 
August the first death occurred, which was from dysentery ; 
so that for thirty-four days our course had been singularly 
successful. But as we now entered a wilderness, which oc- 
cupied us nine days in marching through it, our sufferings 
began to multiply, and several deaths occurred. The river 
at this time was of great use to us; our boat and several 
canoes relieved the wearied and sick of their loads, so that 
progress, though not brilliant as during the first month, was 
still steady. 

On the 13th of August we arrived at Air-Sibba. The 
natives made a bold front ; we lost five men through poi- 
soned arrows ; and to our great grief Lieutenant Stairs was 
wounded just below the heart ; but, though he suffered 
greatly for nearly a month, he finally recovered. On the 
15th Mr. Jephson, in command of the land party, led his 
men inland, became confused, and lost his way. We were 
not reunited until the 21st. 

On the 25th of August we arrived in. the district of Air- 
jeli. Opposite our camp was the mouth of the tributary 
Nepoko. 



AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 39 

On the 31st of August we met for the first time a party 
of Manyuema belonging to the caravan of Ugarrowwa. alias 
Uledi Balyuz, who turned out to be a former tent-boy of 
Speke's. Our misfortunes began from this date, for I had 
taken the Congo route to avoid Arabs, that they might not 
tamper with my men and tempt them to desert by their 
presents. Twenty-six men deserted within three days of 
this unfortunate meeting. 

On the 16th of September we arrived at a camp opposite 
the station at Ugarrowwa's. As food was very scarce ow- 
ing to his having devastated an immense region, we halted 
but one day near him. Such friendly terms as I could 
make with such a man I made, and left fifty-six men with 
him. All the Somalis preferred to rest at Ugarrowwa's to 
the continuous marching. Five Soudanese were also left. 
It would have been certain death for all of them to have 
accompanied us. At Ugarrowwa's they might possibly re- 
cover. Five dollars a month per head was to be paid to 
this man for their food. 

On September 18th we left Ugarrowwa's, and on the 18th 
of October entered the settlement occupied by Kilinga- 
Longa, a Zanzibari slave belonging to Abed bin Salim, an 
old Arab, whose bloody deeds are recorded in " The Congo 
and the Founding of its Free State." This proved an awful 
month to us ; not one member of the expedition, white or 
black, will ever forget it. The advance numbered 273 souls 
on leaving Ugarrowwa's, because out of 389 we had lost six- 
ty-six men by desertion and death between Yambuya and 
Ugarrowwa's, and had left fifty-six men sick in the Arab 
station. On reaching Kilinga-Longa's we discovered we had 
lost fifty-five men by starvation and desertion. We had 
lived principally on wild fruit, fungi, and a large, flat, bean- 
shaped nut. The slaves of Abed bin Salim did their utmost 
to ruin the expedition short of open hostilities. They pur- 
chased rifles, ammunition, clothing, so that when we left 



4:0 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 

their station we were beggared and our men were absolutely 
naked. We were so weak physically that we were unable 
to carry the boat and about seventy loads of goods ; we 
therefore left these goods and boat at Kilinga-Longa's under 
Surgeon Parke and Captain Nelson, the latter of whom was 
unable to march, and after twelve days' march we arrived at 
a native settlement called Ibwiri. Between Kalinga-Longa's 
and Ibwiri our condition had not improved. The Arab 
devastation had reached within a few miles of Ibwiri — a 
devastation so complete that there was not one native hut 
standing between Ugarrowwa's and Ibwiri, and what had 
not been destroyed by the slaves of Ugarrowwa's and Abed 
bin Salem the elephants destroyed, and turned the whole 
region into a horrible wilderness. But at Ibwiri we were 
beyond the utmost reach of the destroyers; we were on 
virgin soil, in a populous region abounding with food. 
Our suffering from hunger, which began on the 31st of 
August, terminated on the 12th of November. Ourselves 
and men were skeletons. Out of 389 we now only num- 
bered 174, several of whom seemed to have no hope of life 
left. A halt was therefore ordered for the people to recu- 
perate. Hitherto our people were sceptical of what we told 
them, the suffering had been so awful, calamities so numer- 
ous, the forest so endless apparently, that they refused to be- 
lieve that by-and-by we should see plains and cattle and the 
Nyanza and the white man, Emin Pasha. We felt as though 
we were dragging them along with a chain round our necks. 
"Beyond these raiders lies a country untouched, where food 
is abundant, and wfyere you will forget your miseries, so 
cheer up, boys; be men; press on a little faster." They 
turned a deaf ear to our prayers and entreaties, for, driven 
by hunger and suffering, they sold their rifles and equip- 
ments for a few ears of Indian-corn, deserted with the am- 
munition, and were altogether demoralized. Perceiving that 
prayers and entreaties and mild punishments were of no 



AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 41 

avail, I then resorted to visit upon the wretelies the death 
penalty. Two of the worst cases were accordingly taken 
and hung in presence of all. 

We halted thirteen days in Ibwiri, and revelled on fowls, 
goats, bananas, corn, sweet-potatoes, yams, beans, etc. The 
supplies were inexhaustible, and the people glutted them- 
selves; the effect was such that I had 173 — one was killed 
by an arrow — mostly sleek and robust men when I set out 
for the Albert Nyanza on the 24th of November. 

There were still 126 miles from the lake; but, given food, 
such a distance seemed nothing. 

On the 1st of December we sighted the open country 
from the top of a ridge connected with Mount Pisgah, so 
named from our first view of the land of promise and plenty. 
On the 5th of December we emerged upon the plains, and 
the deadly, gloomy forest was behind us. After 160 days' 
continuous gloom we saw the light of broad day shining all 
around us and making all things beautiful. We thought we 
had never seen grass so green or country so lovely. The 
men literally yelled and leaped with joy, and raced over the 
ground with their burdens. Ah, this was the old spirit of 
former expeditions successfully completed all of a sudden 
revived. 

Woe betide the native aggressor we may meet, however 
powerful he may be; with such a spirit the men will fling 
themselves like wolves on sheep. Numbers will not be con- 
sidered. It had been the eternal forest that had made the 
abject slavish creatures, so brutally plundered by Arab slaves 
at Kilonga-Longa's. 

On the 9th we came to the country of the powerful chief 
Mozamboni. The villages were scattered over a great ex- 
tent of country so thickly that there was no other road ex- 
cept through their villages or fields. From a long distance 
the natives had sighted us, and were prepared. We seized 
a hill as soon as we arrived in the centre of a mass of vil- 



42 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 

lages — about 4 p.m. on the 9th of December — and occupied 
it, building a zariba as fast as billhooks could cut brushwood. 
The war-cries were terrible ; from hill to hill they were sent 
pealing across the intervening valleys, the people gathered 
by hundreds from every point, war-horns and drums an- 
nounced that a struggle was about to take place. Such na- 
tives as were too bold we checked with but little effort, and 
a slight skirmish ended in our capturing a cow, the first beef 
tasted since we left the ocean. The night passed peacefully, 
both sides preparing for the morrow. On the morning of 
the 10th we attempted to open negotiations. The natives 
were anxious to know who we were, and we were anxious 
to glean news of the land that threatened to ruin the expe- 
dition. Hours were passed talking, both parties keeping a 
respectable distance apart. The natives said they were sub- 
ject to Uganda ; but that Kabba-Rega was their real king, 
Mazamboni holding the country for Kabba-Rega. They 
finally accepted cloth and brass rods to show their King 
Mazamboni, and his answer was to be given next day. In 
the mean time all hostilities were to be suspended. 

The morning of the 11th dawned, and at 8 a.m. we were 
startled at hearing a man proclaiming that it was Mazam- 
boni's w T ish that we should be driven back from the land. 
The proclamation was received by the valley around our 
neighborhood with deafening cries. Their word " kanwana " 
signifies to make peace ; " kurwana " signifies war. We 
were, therefore, in doubt, or rather we hoped we had heard 
wrongly. We sent an interpreter a little nearer to ask if it 
was kanwana or kurwana. " Kurwana," they responded, and 
to emphasize the term two arrows w T ere shot at him, which 
dissipated all doubt. Our hill stood between a lofty range 
of hills and a lower range. On one side of us was a narrow 
valley 250 yards wide; on the other side the valley was 
three miles wide. East and west of us the valley broadened 
into an extensive plain. The higher range of hills was lined 



AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 43 

with hundreds preparing to descend ; the broader valley was 
already mustering its hundreds. There was no time to lose. 
A body of forty men were sent, under Lieutenant Stairs, to 
attack the broader valley. Mr. Jephson was sent with thirty 
men east; a choice body of sharp-shooters was sent to test 
the courage of those descending the slope of the highest 
range. Stairs pressed on, crossed a deep and narrow river 
in the face of hundreds of natives, and assaulted the first 
village and took it. The sharp-shooters did their work ef- 
fectively, and drove the descending natives rapidly up the 
slope until it became a general flight. Meantime, Mr. Jeph- 
son was not idle. He marched straight up the valley east, 
driving the people back, and taking their villages as he went. 
By 3 p.m. there was not a native visible anywhere, except on 
one small hill about a mile and a half west of us. 

On the morning of the 12th we continued our march ; 
during the day we had four little fights. On the 13th we 
marched straight east ; attacked by new forces every hour 
until noon, when we halted for refreshments. These we 
successfully overcame. 

At 1 p.m. we resumed our march. Fifteen minutes later 
I cried out, "Prepare yourselves for a sight of the Nyanza." 
The men murmured and doubted, and said : " Why does the 
master continually talk to us in this way? Nyanza, indeed! 
Is not this a plain, and can we not see mountains at least 
four days' march ahead of us?" At 1.30 p.m. the Albert 
Nyanza was below them. Now it was my turn to jeer and 
scoff at the doubters, but as I was about to ask them what 
they saw, so many came to kiss my hands and beg my par- 
don that I could not say a word. This was my reward. The 
mountains, they said, were the mountains of Unyoro, or rath- 
er its lofty plateau wall. Kavaili, the objective point of the 
expedition, was six miles from us as the crow flies. 

We were at an altitude of 5200 feet above the sea. The 
Albert NTyanza was over 2900 feet below us. We stood in 



THI | 1 ..;_- g RESCUE 

1 - - orth latitude; the south end of the 

. dj mapped about six miles south of 

-• B "■- ' » to the eastern shore every dent in 

talow, flat i I traced like ike 

a d^rk ground was the tributary Seinliki, flowing into 

the Albeit from the south 

- : - - ort hal* '-'- enjoj the pr :see::. we zommenced 
the rugged and si aeeot. Before the rear-guard had 

sendee feet, the : :he plateau we had 

left poured after them. Had they shown as much courage 
and perseverance on the plain ; now exhil 

_:ht have been sea The rear-g 

ke h few hundred fee: ::' the 1 

anza plain. We camped at the foot of the plateau wall, the 
aneroids read:e_ . ; feet above sea-level. A night attack 
ade on us. bu: gentries sufficed to drive these na- 

ti~ 

a.m. of the 14th we appros: the village of Ka- 
kor _ : uated a: : ~er of the Alber: L 

I ree hon ; spent by :emptii_ U naake frier: 

They ~:uld not allow us to gc to the 

lake because we might frighten their cattle. The aid 

r - -" - - blood-brotherhood with us, be: they never 

heard of any good people coming from the iie of the 

kke- T°« dd not accept any present from us. beca 

they did not know who we w The — _ 

to drink, and they would show us our road up to Xvamsas- 

But from these singular people we learned tha: 
had heard there was nan at Unjoi but thr 

never heard of any white men bei g the west si he. nor 
had they seen any steamers on : Z he se w ..: no 

canoes to be had. except such as would hold the me 

~ ~ ; nc for quar: . he people were 

Q enough, but they did not a ieai :her^. T 

therefore were shown the path, and followed it e few mil 



AS TOLD LN" E - ALLEYS LEI 45 

wL. 1 about half a mile from the lake. 1 

gan t-. ._.. thrown upon it 

the 

: i aibar had evident".; not a ime, Emin 

F:^':.?.. with h \e v 

: : the lak _ .. re the j fore dj _■ mil _ 

My b. K:l:L^>L;:: r :. The 

was no canoe obtainable, and 

excuse of a quarrel my conscience -uld not permit. There 
: tree where of a r uioes. Wade 

terrible distance o5 for an e:: - reduced 

ours. We had used five sases .: ear:: ._ — :r zve days of 
fighting on the plain. A month of such fighting must ex- 
haust our s: : .k. There was no plan suggested whic .:ed 
feasible to r: that . :. 1 bwiri, build a 
fort, send a party back to Kilongi-1 >ng - : . ur boat, store 
up eve 1 in the fort if ot s in 
the fort to hold it, and raise corn for us ; march back . 
to the AJ sft Lake, an I the boat tc scorch for Emin 
I - This was the plan which, after lengti ssions 
with risers. I resolved upon. 

On the 15th we marched : the ralli, on the 

st side of the lake. KavaHiha 
A: i r ir. the Kakongo natives had followed us. and shot 
eral arrows into our biv; d .:. ] lisa] ... 3 

una At 6 p.m. we began a night march, and by 10 
A :. of the 16th we had gained the crest of the :.ce 

mc: kongo natives having ] follow; _ - up 

the slope of the plateau. "We had one man killed a: 
:. !..".. 

Ey January 7th — r were in Z ri once :er a 

fevr :enant i sent tc 

Kilinsa-Lonsas to brine; the index ^areeon 

Parke and "he th : _ kin 

charge of the officer ; . men were brought I 



46 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 

fort ; the rest had died or deserted. On the return of Stairs 
with the boat and goods, he was sent to Ugarrowwa's to 
bring up the convalescents there. I granted him thirty-nine 
days' grace. Soon after his departure I was attacked with 
gastritis and an abscess on the arm, but after a month's care- 
ful nursing by Dr. Farke I recovered, and forty-seven days 
having expired, I set out again for the Albert Nyanza, April 
2d, accompanied by Messrs. Jephson and Parke. Captain 
Nelson, now recovered, was appointed commandant of Fort 
Bodo in our absence, with a garrison of forty-three men and 
boys. 

On April 26th we arrived in Mozamboni's country once 
again, but this time, after solicitation, Mozamboni decided 
to make blood-brotherhood with me. Though I had fifty 
rifles less with me on this second visit, the example of Mo- 
zamboni was followed by all the other chiefs as far as the 
JSyanza, and every difficulty seemed removed. Food was 
supplied gratis ; cattle, goats, sheep, and fowls were also 
given in such abundance that our people lived royally. One 
day's march from the Nyanza the natives came from Kavalli, 
and said that a white man named "Malejja" had given their 
chief a black packet to give to me, his son. Would I fol- 
low them? "Yes, to-morrow," I answered, "and if your 
words are true, I will make you rich." 

They remained with us that night, telling us wonderful 
stories about " big ships as large as islands filled with men," 
etc., which left no doubt in our mind that this white man 
was Emin Pasha. The next day's march brought us to the 
chief Kavalli, and after a while he handed me a note from 
Emin Pasha, covered with a strip of black American oil-cloth. 
The note was to the effect " that as there had been a native 
rumor to the effect that a white man had been seen at the 
south end of the lake, he had gone in his steamer to make 
inquiries, but had been unable to obtain reliable information, 
as the natives were terribly afraid of Kabba-Rega, King of 



AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 47 

TTnyoro, and connected every stranger with him." However, 
the wife of the Nyamsassic chief had told a native ally of 
his, named Mogo, that she had seen ns in Mrusuma (Mozam- 
boni's country). He therefore begged me to remain where 
I was until he could communicate with me. The note was 
signed " (Dr.) Emin," and dated March 26th. 

The next day, April 23d, Mr. Jephson was despatched with 
a strong force of men to take the boat to the Nyanza. On 
the 26th the boat's crew sighted Mswa station, the southern- 
most belonging to Emin Pasha, and Mr. Jephson was there 
hospitably received by the Egyptian garrison. The boat's 
crew say that they were embraced one by one, and that they 
never had such attention shown to them as by these men, 
who hailed them as brothers. 

On the 29th of April we once again reached the bivouac 
ground occupied by us on the 16th of December, and at 5 
p.m. of that day I saw the Khedive steamer about seven miles 
away steaming up towards us. Soon after 7 p.m. Emin 
Pasha and Signor Casati and Mr. Jephson arrived at our 
camp, where they were heartily welcomed by all of us. 

The next day we moved to a better camping-place, about 
three miles above Nyamsassic, and at this spot Emin Pasha 
also made his camp ; we were together until the 25th of 
May. On that day I left him, leaving Mr. Jephson, three 
Soudanese, and two Zanzibaris in his care, and in return he 
caused to accompany me three of his irregulars and 102 
Madi natives as porters. 

Fourteen days later I was at Fort Bodo. At the fort were 
Captain Nelson and Lieutenant Stairs. The latter had re- 
turned from Ugarrowwa's twenty-two days after I had set 
out for the lake, April 2d, bringing with him, alas ! only 
sixteen men out of fifty-six. All the rest were dead. My 
twenty couriers whom I had sent with letters to Major Bart- 
telot had safely left Ugarrowwa's for Yambuya on March 
16th. 



48 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 

Fort Bodo was in a nourishing state. Nearly ten acres 
were under cultivation. One crop of Indian corn had been 
harvested and was in the granaries ; they had just commenced 
planting again. 

On the 16th of June I left Fort Bodo with 111 Zanzibaris 
and 101 of Emin Pasha's people. Lieutenant Stairs had been 
appointed commandant of the fort, Nelson second in com- 
mand, and Surgeon Parke medical officer. The garrison 
consisted of fifty-nine rifles. I had thus deprived myself of 
all my officers in order that I should not be encumbered 
with baggage and provisions and medicines, which would 
have to be taken if accompanied by Europeans, and every 
carrier was necessary for the vast stores left with Major 
Barttelot. On the 24th of June we reached Kilinga Longa's, 
and July 19th Ugarrowwa's. The latter station was deserted. 
Ugarrowwa, having gathered as much ivory as he could ob- 
tain from that district, had proceeded down the river about 
three months before. On leaving Fort Bodo I had loaded 
every carrier with about sixty pounds of corn, so that we 
had been able to pass through the wilderness unscathed. 

Passing on down river as fast as we could go, daily ex- 
pecting to meet the couriers, who had been stimulated to 
exert themselves for a reward of £10 per head, or the major 
himself leading an army of carriers, we indulged ourselves 
in these pleasing anticipations as we neared the goal. 

On the 10th of August we overtook Ugarrowwa with an 
immense flotilla of fifty-seven canoes, and to our wonder our 
couriers now reduced to seventeen. They related an awful 
story of hair-breadth escapes and tragic scenes. Three of 
their number had been slain, two were still feeble from their 
wounds, all except Hve bore on their bodies the scars of ar- 
row wounds. 

A week later, on August 17th, we met the rear column of 
the expedition at a place called Bunalya, or, as the Arabs 
have corrupted it, Unarya. There was a white man at the 



AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 49 

gate of the stockade, whom I at first thought was Mr. Jamie- 
son, but a nearer view revealed the features of Mr. Bonny, 
who left the medical service of the army to accompany us. 

"Well, my dear Bonny, where is the major?" 

" He is dead, sir ; shot by the Manyuema about a month 
ago." 

" Good God ! and Mr. Jamieson ?" 

" He has gone to Stanley Falls to try and get some more 
men from Tippu Tib." 

"And Mr Troup?" 

"Mr. Troup has gone home, sir, invalided." 

" Hem ! well, where is Ward ?" 

" Mr. Ward is at Bangala, sir." 

"Heavens alive! then you are the only one here?" 

"Yes, sir." 

I found the rear column a terrible wreck. Out of 257 
men there were only seventy-one remaining. Out of seven- 
ty-one only fifty -two, on mustering them, seemed fit for 
service, and these mostly were scarecrows. The advance had 
performed the march from Yumbuya to Bunalya in sixteen 
days, despite native opposition. The rear column performed 
the same distance in forty-three days. According to Mr. 
Bonny, during the thirteen months and twenty days that 
had elapsed since I had left Yambuya, the record is only one 
of disaster, desertion, and death. I have not the heart to go 
into the details, many of which are incredible, and, indeed, 
I have not the time, for, excepting Mr. Bonny, I have no 
one to assist me in reorganizing the expedition. There are 
still far more loads than I can carry ; at the same time arti- 
cles needful are missing. For instance, I left Yambuya with 
only a short campaigning kit, leaving my reserve of clothing 
and personal effects in charge of the officers. In December 
some deserters from the advance column reached Yambuya 
to spread the report that I was dead. They had no papers 
with them, but the officers seemed to accept the report of 
4 



50 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 

these deserters as a fact, and in January Mr. Ward, at an 
officers' mess meeting, proposed that my instructions should 
be cancelled. The only one who appears to have dissented 
was Mr. Bonny. Accordingly, my personal kit, medicines, 
soap, candles, and provisions were sent down the Congo as 
"superfluities!" Thus, after making this immense personal 
sacrifice to relieve them and cheer them up, I find myself 
naked, and deprived of even the necessaries of life in Africa. 
But, strange to say, they have kept two hats, four pairs of 
boots, and a flannel jacket ; and I propose to go back to 
Emin Pasha and across Africa with this truly African kit. 
Livingstone, poor fellow, was all in patches when I met him, 
but it will be the reliever himself who will be in patches 
this time. Fortunately not one of my officers will envy me, 
for their kits are intact — it was only myself that was dead. 

I pray you to say that we were only eighty-two days from 
the Albert Lake to Benalya, and sixty-one from Fort Bodo. 
The distance is not very great ; it is the people who fail one. 
Going to Nyanza we felt as though we had the tedious task 
of dragging them ; on returning, each man knew the road 
and did not need any stimulus. Between the Nyanza and 
here we only lost three men, one of which was by desertion. 
I brought 131 Zanzibaris here ; I left fifty-nine at Fort Bodo ; 
total, 190 men out of 389 ; loss, fifty per cent. At Yambuya 
I left 257 men. There are only seventy-one left, ten of 
whom will never leave this camp : loss, over 270 per cent. 
This proves that though the sufferings of the advance were 
unprecedented, the mortality was not so great as in camp 
at Yambuya. The survivors of the march are all robust, 
while the survivors of the rear column are thin and most 
unhealthy-looking. 

I have thus rapidly sketched out our movements since 
June 28, 1887. I wish I had the leisure to furnish more 
details, but I cannot find the time. I write this amid the 
hurry and bustle of departure and amid constant interrup- 



AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 51 

tions. You will, however, have gathered from this letter an 
idea of the nature of the country traversed by us. We were 
160 days in the forest — one continuous, unbroken, compact 
forest. The grass-land was traversed by us in eight days. 
The limits of the forest along the edge of the grass-land are 
well marked. We saw it extending north-easterly, with its 
curves and bays and capes, just like a sea-shore. South- 
westerly it preserved the same character. North and south 
the forest area extends from Nyangwe to the southern bor- 
ders of the Monbuttu ; east and west it embraces all from 
the Congo, at the mouth of the Aruwimi, to about east lon- 
gitude 29° to 40°. How far west beyond the Congo the for- 
est reaches I do not know. The superficial extent of the tract 
thus described — totally covered by forest — is 246,000 square 
miles. North of the Congo, between Upoto and the Aru- 
wimi, the forest embraces another 20,000 square miles. 

Between Yambuya and the Nyanza we came across iive 
distinct languages. The last is that which is spoken by the 
Wanyoro, Wanyankori, Wanya Ruanda, Wahha, and people 
of Karangwe and Ukerewe. 

The land slopes gently from the crest of the plateau above 
the Nyanza down to the Congo River, from an altitude of 
5500 feet to 1400 feet above the sea. North and south of 
our track through the grass-land the face of the land was 
much broken by groups of cones or isolated mounts or ridges. 
North we saw no land higher than about 6000 feet above 
the sea, but bearing 215 degrees magnetic, at the distance of 
about fifty miles from our camp on the Nyanza, we saw a 
towering mountain, its summit covered with snow, and prob- 
ably 17,000 feet or 18,000 feet above the sea. It is called 
Ruevenzori, and will probably prove a rival to Kilimanjaro. 
I am not sure that it may not prove to be the Gordon Ben- 
nett Mountain in Gambaragara, but there are two reasons 
for doubting it to be the same — first, it is a little too far west 
for the position of the latter as given by me in 1876; and, 



52 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 

secondly, we saw no snow on the Gordon Bennett. I might 
mention a third, which is that the latter is a perfect cone 
apparently, while the Ruevenzori is an oblong mount, nearly 
level on the summit, with two ridges extending north-east 
and south-west. 

I have met only three natives who have seen the lake 
towards the south. They agree that it is large, but not so 
large as the Albert Nyanza. 

The Aruwimi becomes known as the Suhali about 100 
miles above Yambuya; as it nears the Nepoko it is called 
the Nevoa; beyond its confluence with the Nepoko it is 
known as the No Welle ; 300 miles from the Congo it is 
called the Itiri, which is soon changed into the Ituri, which 
name it retains to its source. Ten minutes' march from the 
Ituri waters we saw the Nyanza, like a mirror in its immense 
gulf. 

Before closing my letter let me touch more at large on 
the subject which brought me to this land — viz., Emin Pasha. 

The Pasha has two battalions of regulars under him — the 
first, consisting of about 750 rifles, occupies Duffle Honyu 
Lahore, Muggi, Kirri, Bedden, Bejaf ; the second battalion, 
consisting of 640 men, guards the stations of Wadelai Fatiko, 
Mahagi, and Mswa, a line of communication along the Nyan- 
za, and Nile about 180 geographical miles in length. In the 
interior west of the Nile he retains three or four small sta- 
tions — fourteen in all. Besides these two battalions he has 
quite a respectable force of irregulars, sailors, artisans, clerks, 
servants. " Altogether," he said, " if I consent to go away 
from here, we shall have about 8000 people with us." 

" Were I in your place I would not hesitate one moment, 
or be a second in doubt what to do." 

"What you say is quite true, but we have such a large 
number of women and children, probably 10,000 people al- 
together. How can they all be brought out of here ? We 
shall want a great number of carriers." 



AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 53 

" Carriers ! carriers for what ?" I asked. 
"For the women and children. You surely would not 
leave them, and they cannot travel." 

"The women must walk. It will do them more good 
than harm. As for the little children, load them on the 
donkeys. I hear you have about two hundred of them. 
Your people will not travel very far the first month, but 
little by little they will get accustomed to it. Our Zanzibar 
women crossed Africa on my second expedition. Why can- 
not your black women do the same ? Have no fear of them ; 
they will do better than the men." 

"They would require a vast amount of provision for the 
road." 

" True, but you have some thousands of cattle, I believe. 
Those will furnish beef. The countries through which we 
pass must furnish grain and vegetable food." 

" Well, well, we will defer further talk till to-morrow." 
May 1, 1888. — Halt in camp at Nsabe. The Pasha came 
ashore from the steamer Khedive about 1 p. m., and in a 
short time we commenced our conversation again. Many 
of the arguments used above were repeated, and he said : 

" What you told me yesterday has led me to think that 
it is best we should retire from here. The Egyptians are 
very willing to leave. There are of these about one hun- 
dred men, besides their women and children. Of these 
there is no doubt ; and even if I stayed here I should be 
glad to be rid of them, because they undermine my authority 
and nullify all my endeavors for retreat. When I informed 
them that Khartoum had fallen and Gordon Pasha was slain, 
they always told the Nubians that it was a concocted story, 
that some day we should see the steamers ascend the river 
for their relief. But of the regulars who compose the 1st 
and 2d battalions, I am extremely doubtful ; they have led 
such a free and happy life here that they would demur at 
leaving a country where they have enjoyed luxuries they 



54: THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 

cannot command in Egypt. The soldiers are married, and 
several of them have harems. Many of the irregulars would 
also retire and follow me. Now, supposing the regulars re- 
fuse to leave, you can imagine that my position would be a 
difficult one. Would I be right in leaving them to their 
fate ? Would it not be consigning them all to ruin ? I 
should have to leave them their arms and ammunition, and, 
on retiring, all discipline would be at an end. Disputes 
would arise, and factions would be formed. The more am- 
bitious would aspire to be chiefs by force, and from these 
rivalries would spring hate and mutual slaughter until there 
would be none of them left." 

" Supposing you resolve to stay, what of the Egyptians ?" 
I asked. 

" Oh, these I shall have to ask you to be good enough to 
take with you." 

" Now, will you, Pasha, do me the favor to ask Captain 
Casati if we are to have the pleasure of his company to the 
sea, for we have been instructed to assist him also should 
we meet ?" 

Captain Casati answered through Emin Pasha : 

" What the Governor Emin decides upon shall be the rule 
of conduct for me also. If the Governor stays, I stay. If 
the Governor goes, I go." 

" Well, I see, Pasha, that in the event of your staying 
your responsibilities will be great." 

A laugh. The sentence was translated to Casati, and the 
gallant captain replied : 

" Oh, I beg pardon, but I absolve the Pasha from all re- 
sponsibility connected with me, because I am governed by 
my own choice entirely." 

Thus day after day I recorded faithfully the interviews 
I had with Emin Pasha; but these extracts reveal as much 
as is necessary for you to understand the position. I left 
Mr. Jephson thirteen of my Soudanese, and sent a message 



AS TOLD IN II. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 55 

to be read to the troops, as the Pasha requested. Every- 
thing else is left until I return with the united expedition 
to the Nyanza. 

Within two months the Pasha proposed to visit Fort 
Bodo, taking Mr. Jephson with him. At Fort Bodo I have 
left instructions to the officers to destroy the fort and ac- 
company the Pasha to the Nyanza. I hope to meet them 
all again on the Nyanza, as I intend making a short-cut to 
the Nyauza along a new road. 

Yours respectfully, 

Henry M. Stanley. 



LETTER VI. 

FURTHER DETAILS OF THE MARCH — PICTURE OF AN AFRICAN 

FOREST. 

[The following is a letter from Mr. Stanley to Mr. A. L. 
Bruce, of Edinburgh, containing further details of the jour- 
ney described in the previous letter.] 

Central Africa, S. Mupe, Ituri R, 
September 4, 1888. 

My dear Mr. Bruce, — I write this letter, not because I 
know of any opportunity by which I could safely send it to 
you, but because I owe you many a letter, and memory of 
your kindness pricks me to have a written word or two 
ready by me in case a future opportunity offers. My last 
letter was dated yesterday, and sent to our mutual friend 
Mackinnon, for the Royal Geographical Society, and your 
own pet, the Scottish. But the courier has gone, or rather 
separated from me. 

While in England, considering the best routes open 
to the ISTyanza (Albert), I thought I was very liberal in al- 
lowing m} T self two weeks' march to cross the forest region 



56 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 

lying between the Congo and the grass-land, but you may 
imagine our feelings when month after month saw us 
marching, tearing, ploughing, cutting through that same 
continuous forest. It took us 160 days before we could say 
" Thank God we are out of the darkness at last." At one 
time we were all — whites and blacks — almost " done up." 
September, October, and half of that month of November, 
1887, will not be forgotten by us. October will be special- 
ly memorable to us for the sufferings we endured. Our 
officers were heartily sick of the forest, but the loyal blacks, 
a band of 130, followed me once again into the wild, track- 
less forest, with its hundreds of inconveniences, to assist 
their comrades of the rear column. Try and imagine some 
of these inconveniences. Take a thick Scottish copse, drip- 
ping with rain ; imagine this copse to be a mere under- 
growth, nourished under the impenetrable shade of ancient 
trees, ranging from 100 to 180 feet high; briers and thorns 
abundant; lazy creeks, meandering through the depths of 
the jungle, and sometimes a deep affluent of a great river. 
Imagine this forest and jungle in all stages of decay and 
growth — old trees falling, leaning perilously over, fallen 
prostrate ; ants and insects of all kinds, sizes, and col- 
ors murmuring around ; monkeys and chimpanzees above, 
queer noises of birds and animals, crashes in the jungle as 
troops of elephants rush away ; dwarfs with poisoned ar- 
rows securely hidden behind some buttress or in some dark 
recess ; strong, brown-bodied aborigines with terribly sharp 
spears, standing poised, still as dead stumps ; rain patter- 
ing down on you every other day in the year ; an impure 
atmosphere, with its dread consequences, fever and dysen- 
tery ; gloom throughout the day, and darkness almost pal- 
pable throughout the night, and then if you will imagine 
6uch a forest extending the entire distance from Plymouth 
to Peterhead, you will have a fair idea of some of the incon- 
viences endured by us from June 28 to December 5, 1887, 



AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 57 

and from June 1, 1888, to the present date, to continue again 
from the present date till about December 10, 1888, when I 
hoped then to say a last farewell to the Congo forest. Now 
that we have gone through and through this forest region, 
I only feel a surprise that I did not give a greater latitude 
to my ideas respecting its extent ; for had we thought of it, 
it is only what might have been deduced from our knowl- 
edge of the great sources of moisture necessary to supply 
the forest with the requisite sap and vitality. Think of the 
large extent of the South Atlantic Ocean, whose vapors are 
blown during nine months of the year in this direction. 
Think of the broad Congo, varying from one to sixteen 
miles wide, which has a stretch of 1400 miles, supplying an- 
other immeasurable quantity of moisture, to be distilled into 
rain and mist and dew over this insatiable forest ; and then 
another 600 miles of the Aruwimi or Ituri itself, and then 
you will cease to wonder that there are about 150 days of 
rain every year in this region, and that the Congo Forest 
covers such a wide area. 

Until we set foot on the grass-land, something like fifty 
miles west of the Albert Nyanza, we saw nothing that looked 
a smile, or a kind thought, or a moral sensation. The abo- 
rigines are wild, utterly savage, and incorrigibly vindictive. 
The dwarfs — called Wambutti — are worse still, far worse. 
Animal life is likewise so wild and shy that no sport is to be 
enjoyed. The gloom of the forest is perpetual. The face 
of the river, reflecting its black walls of vegetation, is dark 
and sombre. The sky one-half the time every day resem- 
bles a wintry sky in England ; the face of Nature and life 
is fixed and joyless. If the sun charges through the black 
clouds enveloping it, and a kindly wind brushes the masses 
of vapor below the horizon, and the bright light reveals our 
surroundings, it is only to tantalize us with a short-lived 
vision of brilliancy and beauty of verdure. 

Emerging from the forest finally, we all became enrapt- 



58 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 

ured. Like a captive unfettered and set free, we rejoiced 
at sight of the blue cope of heaven, and freely bathed in the 
warm sunshine, and aches and gloomy thoughts and un- 
wholesome ideas were banished. You have heard how the 
London cit., after months of devotion to business in the gase- 
ous atmosphere of that great city, falls into rapture at sight 
of the green fields and hedges, meadows and trees, and how 
his emotions, crowding on his dazed senses, are indescribable. 
Indeed, I have seen Derby Day once, and I fancied then 
that I only saw madmen, for great bearded, hoary-headed 
fellows, though well-dressed enough, behaved in the most 
idiotic fashion, amazing me quite. Well, on this December 
5th we became suddenly smitten with madness in the same 
manner. Had you seen us you would have thought we had 
lost our senses, or that "Legion" had entered and taken pos- 
session of us. We raced with our loads over a wide un- 
fenced field (like an English park for the softness of its 
grass), and herds of buffalo, eland, and roan antelope stood 
on either hand, with pointed ears and wide eyes, wondering 
at the sudden wave of human beings yelling with joy as 
they issued out of the dark depths of the forest. 

On the confines of this forest, near a village which was 
rich in sugar-cane, ripe bananas, tobacco, Indian -corn, and 
other productions of aboriginal husbandry, we came, across 
an ancient woman lying asleep. I believe she was a leper 
and an outcast, but she was undoubtedly ugly, vicious, and 
old ; and being old, she was obstinate. I practised all kinds 
of seductive arts to get her to do something besides crossly 
mumbling, but of no avail. Curiosity having drawn towards 
us about a hundred of our people, she fastened fixed eyes 
on one young fellow (smooth-faced and good-looking), and 
smiled. I caused him to sit near her, and she became vol- 
uble enough — beauty and youth had tamed the " beast." 
From her talk we learned that there was a powerful tribe 
called the Bazanza, with a great king, to the north-east of 



AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 50 

our camp, of whom we might be well afraid, as the people 
were as numerous as grass. Had we learned this ten days 
earlier, I might have become anxious for the result, but it 
now only drew a contemptuous smile from the people, for 
each one, since he had seen the grass-land and evidences of 
meat, had been transformed into a hero. 

We poured out on the plain a frantic multitude, but after 
an hour or two we became an orderly column. Into the 
emptied villages of the open country we proceeded, to regale 
ourselves on melon, rich-flavored bananas, and plantains, and 
great pots full of wine. The fowls, unaware of the presence 
of a hungry mob, were knocked down, plucked, roasted or 
boiled ; the goats, meditatively browsing or chewing the cud, 
were suddenly seized and decapitated, and the grateful aroma 
of roast meat gratified our senses. An abundance, a prodigal 
abundance, of good things, had awaited our eruption into the 
grass-land. Every village was well stocked with provisions, 
and even luxuries long denied to us. Under such fare the 
men became most robust, diseases healed as if by magic, the 
weak became strong, and there was not a goee-goee or chicken- 
heart left. Only the Babusesse, near the main Ituri, were 
tempted to resist the invasion. 

Between the Ituri and the JSTyanza, however, the fighting 
was sharp and almost continuous to the edge of the lake. 
The will to fight was very evident, but our people drove 
them to flight upon every occasion. This region is inhabited 
by remnants of tribes who have come from Unyoro, Itoro, 
south-east and south, and from other nations north, to settle, 
hy force or consent, among the Wahuma shepherds and 
herdsmen. The most numerous are the Baregga, or Balegga, 
who occupy a compact mass of hills south-west of Lake 
Albert, and whose territory extends down to the level of the 
Albert. The Baregga also made the most fierce and obsti- 
nate resistance to us. For three days in succession they 
poured down the hills on our flank and rear. Having 



60 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 

learned that there was no hope of satisfying them except by 
a hasty withdrawal, we simply pressed on, and fronted them 
on each occasion with smoking Remingtons, until the waste 
tract of the ISTyanza gave us a breathing spell. 

At the Nyanza there was no news to be had of Emin 
Pasha. Our couriers from Zanzibar had not arrived evident- 
ly. It was an inhospitable wilderness; not a sizable tree 
could be found ; the natives were aggressive and confident. 
By a night march we regained the crest of the plateau un- 
known to the natives. Another serious bout took place. 
Again we drove the Baregga back ; again we passed through 
Mazamboni's valleys, and despite the utmost endeavors of 
the natives, recrossed the Ituri, and entered the forest region, 
until we gained Ibwiri, eleven marches from the Nyanza. 
At this place we built a fort ; that is, we dug a ditch, made 
a breastwork, erected tall platforms for sharp-shooters, and 
surrounded the whole with a maze of fences. The absence 
of our boat had caused this retreat from the lake. We now 
proposed to remedy this. We sent a hundred men under 
Lieutenant Stairs to bring up the boat and goods, and two 
officers, Captain Nelson and Surgeon Parke, left behind at a 
place eight marches south from Ibwiri. Meantime we culti- 
vated the land, planted corn, beans, and tobacco ; and having 
left a sufficient garrison in the fort, called Bodo, or " Peace," 
we marched for the Albert Lake a second time, April 2, 
1889. 

The sharp punishment the natives of the grass-land had 
received on our first visit had so tamed them that they all 
made peace with us one after the other, paid indemnities for 
expenses in the shape of cattle and food. They cut wood, 
bore water to the camp, carried our ammunition and mate- 
rial, furnished us with guides, and escorted us by hundreds. 
We had but to express a wish and it was gratified. As we 
were nearing the lake, a chief named Kavalli handed me a 
note. The note was from Emin Pasha, requesting us to stay 



AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 61 

where we were until he could communicate with us. As 
this would mean a delay, I despatched Mr. Jephson with the 
boat and fifty men to launch the boat, because now there 
was no fear, as all the land round about, from the forest to 
the lake, the chiefs made formal tender of to me. 

Three days later Mr. Jephson arrived at the first of Emin 
Pasha's stations, where he was soon joined by the Egyptian 
Governor and his staff, and two days later we received the 
Pasha and his staff, Captain Casati, and Mr. Jephson at our 
camp near Kavalli, on the Nyanza, where we learned that 
everything was as well as it should be, and that we had been 
in ample time for such relief as he required. 

After a stay of twenty-six days with the Pasha there was 
one work still to be done, and that was to find the rear col- 
umn under Major Barttelot, of whom we had not heard a 
word since we left him on the 28th of June, 1887. Had the 
Stanley steamer arrived in due time with Messrs. Troup, 
Ward, and Bonny, and the 126 men left at Bolobo? Had 
Tippu Tib joined the major, according to contract, at Zanzi- 
bar? If so, why so slow? Unless some serious hitch had 
taken place, we must surely have met him, or heard of him 
in February, March, or April, while at Fort Bodo collecting 
our convalescents. These questions were being daily dis- 
cussed, and numerous conjectures were made as to the rea- 
sons for this delay. Indeed, I felt more anxiety about the 
rear column than I had felt for Emin Pasha, since to the 
rear column was confided the largest number of stores of 
every kind. Our advance had only been a kind of forlorn 
hope, to carry assurance of relief principally. Then, the 
major was inexperienced in African travelling, knowing no 
language but English and French, and a little Arabic, but 
of undoubted bravery, loyalty, and resolution. 

Leaving Stairs, Nelson, and Parke at Fort Bodo — Jeph- 
son with Emin Pasha — we started from the fort June 16, 
1888. Fifty-seven days later we overtook our couriers that 



62 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 

had been started from Fort Bodo February 16th with letters 
to the major ; and four days after this we met the rear col- 
umn, or, rather, the miserable, forlorn, and despised rem- 
nant of it, with only Mr. Bonny in charge. Poor Major 
Barttelot was dead, shot by his auxiliary carriers, to obtain 
whom he had wasted so many months. Mr. Jamieson was 
en route to Bangala, 600 miles lower down the Congo. Mr. 
Troup had been invalided home, and Mr. Ward was detain- 
ed at Bangala by an order from Major Barttelot and Mr. 
Jamieson ; and Mr. Bonny, the inferior officer, was left in 
charge of the rear column, which numbered about a fourth 
of the number I had left with the officers, for out of 257 
there were only seventy-one, many of them too sick to move, 
the majority worthless as carriers, and only about ten at all 
presentable or suitable for the long journey before us. 

/Sept. 5th. — Another time I have been able to send off a 
letter. Salim bin Mohammed will take this to Stanley Falls. 

God bless you ! Remember me kindly to your wife and 

children. 

Ever yours, 

Henry M. Stanley. 
A. L. Bruce, Esq. 



LETTER VII. 

GEOGRAPHICAL RESULTS BETWEEN YAMBUYA AND THE ALBERT 

NYANZA. 

Mariri Rapids, Ituri River, Central Africa, September 1, 1888. 
To the Secretary of the Royal Geographical Society, 1 Savile Row, 
London. 

Sir, — I take advantage of the portage now being conduct- 
ed overland along these Rapids to give you some geograph- 
ical details of the New Land lately traversed, and now about 
to be re-traversed by us. 

Yambuya, our intrenched camp, is in N. lat. 1° 17', E. 



AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. G3 

long. 25° 8' ; the objective point of the expedition was Ka- 
valli, in K lat. 1° 22', E. long. 30° 30'. In a direct line the 
distance is 322 geographical miles. Until we penetrated 
and marched through it, this region was entirely unexplored, 
and untrodden by either white or Arab. For the purposes 
of this expedition, we should have wished to have known 
something of it, but we could glean no information respect- 
ing the interior, because the natives were so wild and shy of 
all strangers. 

Having selected my officers and men, my force numbered 
389, rank and file. The rest of the expedition was left at 
Yambuya until the rear column could be collected from Bo- 
lobo and Stanley Pool. We bore a steel boat 28 by 6 feet 
with us, about three tons of ammunition, and a couple of 
tons of sundries, provisions, etc., etc. With all these goods 
and baggage we had a reserve force of about 180 supernu- 
meraries. Half of them carried, besides their Winchesters, 
billhooks to pierce the bush and cut down obstructions. 
This band formed the pioneers — a most useful body. 

The path leading from Yambuya was tolerable only for 
about five miles ; we were then introduced into the difficulties 
which more or less would impede our movements and arrest 
rapid progress. These consisted of creepers varying from 
one-eighth of an inch to fifteen inches in diameter, swing- 
ing across the path in bowlines, or loops, sometimes massed 
and twisted together, also of a low, dense bush, occupying 
the sites of old clearings, which had to be carved through 
before a passage was possible. Where years had elapsed 
since the clearings had been abandoned we found a young 
forest, and the spaces between the trees choked with climb- 
ing plants, vegetable creepers, and tall plants. This kind 
had to be tunnelled through before an inch of progress 
could be made. The primeval forest offered least obstruc- 
tion, but the atmosphere was close, stagnant, impure, and an 
eternal gloom reigned there, intensified every other day by 



64 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 

the thick black clouds charged with rain so characteristic of 
this forest region. 

We camped at Yakonde, a populous settlement opposite 
rapids, on the first day of departure, the 28th June, 1887. 
Along the river-bank no path could be found ; besides, the 
river trended too much to the north-east for the course I 
proposed to take ; we therefore cut a path through the ma- 
nioc fields and came upon a travelled road leading from vil- 
lage to village inland. In a few days we became fully initi- 
ated into the subtleties of savage warfare. Every art known 
to native minds for annoying strangers was practised by 
these natives. The path frequently had shallow pits filled 
with sharpened splinters, or skewers, deftly covered over 
with large leaves. For barefooted people this proved a terri- 
ble punishment. Often the skewers would perforate the feet 
quite through ; at other times the tops would be buried in 
the feet, resulting in gangrenous sores. We had ten men 
lamed by these skewers — so efficiently lamed that few of 
them recovered to be of much use to us. One of the ap- 
proaches to every village was a straight road, perhaps a hun- 
dred yards long, and twelve feet wide, cleared of jungle, but 
bristling with these skewers carefully and cunningly hidden 
at every place likely to be trodden by an incautious foot. 
The real path was crooked, and took a wide detour ; the cut 
road appeared so tempting, so straight, and so short. At 
the village end was the watchman, to beat his drum and 
sound the alarm, when every native would take his weapons 
and proceed to the appointed place to ply his bow at every 
opportunity. Yet despite a formidable list of hostile meas- 
ures and attempts, no life was lost, though our wounded in- 
creased in number. 

After a few days of this work the path became an ele- 
phant track, leading south-east and south and south-west. 
We again changed our course. By compass, we found a 
path leading north-east and east, and on the 5th July touched 



AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 65 

the river again, and being free of rapids apparently, I light- 
ened the advance column of the steel boat and forty loads. 
The boat proved invaluable ; she not only carried our cripples 
and sick, but also nearly two tons of goods. From July 5th 
to the middle of October we clung to the river. Sometimes 
its immense curves and long trend north-east would give 
me sharp twinges of doubt that it was wise to cling to it; 
on the. other hand, the sufferings of the people, the long con- 
tinuity of forest, the numerous creeks, the mud, the offen- 
sive atmosphere, the perpetual rains, the long-lasting mug- 
giness, pleaded eloquently against the abandonment of the 
river until north lat. 2° should be attained. North lat. 2° 
I put down as the limit ; I would prefer to dare anything 
than go farther north. In favor of the river was also the 
certainty of obtaining food. Such a fine, broad stream as 
this, we argued, would surely have settlements on its banks; 
the settlements would furnish food by fair means or force. 

The river retained a noble width — from 500 to 900 
yards — with an island here and there, sometimes a group of 
islets, the resorts of oyster-fishermen. Such piles of oyster- 
shells! On one island I measured a heap thirty paces long, 
twelve feet wide at the base, and four feet high. 

Such a land for fiies, insects, and butterflies ! The butter- 
flies congregate around me as I write this letter, and flap 
their wings in approval of this statement. There are clouds 
of the latter sailing daily up and across stream, which last 
for hours. 

At almost every bend of the river, generally in the middle 
of the bend — because a view of the river approach up and 
down stream may be had — there is a village of conical huts 
of the candle-extinguisher type. Some bends have a large 
series of these villages populated by some thousands of na- 
tives. The villages of Banalya, Bakubana, and Bungangeta 
tribes run close to each other along a single long bend. The 
first has become famous through the tragedy ending in the 
5 



66 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 

death of Major Barttelot. An island opposite the site of 
the Bungangeta villages I occupied to reorganize the expe- 
dition, which had almost become a wreck through the mis- 
fortunes of the rear column. The abundance found by us 
will never be found again, for the Arabs have followed my 
track by hundreds, and destroyed villages and plantations, 
and what the Arabs spare, the elephant herds complete. 

Internecine conflicts of native tribe against native tribe 
have also taken place — at least numerous old clearings sug- 
gest this, and stockades along the river-fronts of the villages. 
So many were these that a large expedition could have been 
supported by the fields of manioc to which no owner seemed 
to lay claim. 

On the 9th of July we came to the rapids of Gwengwere, 
another populous district. ISTear here I saw a stratum of 
oyster-shells, covered with three feet of alluvial soil. How 
many scores of years have elapsed since the old aborigines 
fed on these bivalves? I should like to know; and what 
was the tribe's name, and where, if any exists, is the rem- 
nant 1 For waves of wild peoples have come and gone over 
this land, as over other lands. Indeed, these villages, though 
so close together, shelter many little tribes of men. At 
Gwengwere Rapids, for instance, there are the Bakoka, Bag- 
wengwere, and a little higher up are the Bapupa, Bandangi, 
and Banali ; the tap of a drum alarms all ; while inland are 
the Bambalulu and the Baburu, the latter of whom are 
spread out over a considerable region. The Baburu call the 
river Suhali. 

The mornings generally were stern and sombre, the sky 
covered with lowering and heavy clouds ; at other times thick 
mist buried everything, clearing off about 9 a.m., sometimes 
not till 11 a.m. Nothing stirs then ; insect life is asleep, 
and the forest is still as death ; the dark river, darkened by 
lofty walls of thick forest and vegetation, is silent as a 
grave, our heart-throbs seem almost clamorous, and our in- 



AS TOLD m H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 67 

most thoughts loud. If no rain follows this darkness, the 
sun appears from behind the cloudy masses, the mist disap- 
pears, and life wakens up before its brilliancy. Butterflies 
scurry through the air, a solitary ibis croaks an alarm, a diver 
flies across the stream, the forest is full of a strange murmur, 
and somewhere up-river booms the alarm drum. The quick- 
sighted natives have seen us, voices vociferate challenges, 
there is a flash of spears, and hostile passions are aroused. 

On the 17th of July, 1887, we camped at this very place 
where I now write this letter on the 1st of September, 1888, 
thirteen and one-half months ago. Beyond Mariri Rapids 
is a large settlement on the south bank called Mupe ; there 
is another portion of the same tribe located a little higher 
up on the north bank. Up to this place there is no decid- 
ed fall of water; the rapids are caused by reefs of rock, 
through which the river has channelled passages, where the 
current is like that of a sluice. Conveying as we do such 
stores of ammunition and baggage, there is a delay of per- 
haps two days at such rapid, for we have to carry the bag- 
gage overland, and either pole or haul the canoes through 
the rushing currents. 

The next rapids are those near Bandeya, which we reached 
on the 25th of July. Between Mariri and Bandeya Rapids 
are located the Balulu, Batunda, Bumbwa, and at the last 
rapids are the Bwamburi. Inland, to the north, are the 
Batua, and Mabodi occupy the region farther east. To the 
south are the Bundiba peoples, the Binyali, and Bakongo. 

Peace among the river tribes is signified by tossing water 
upward with the hand or paddle, and letting it fall on their 
heads. If we believed them, the natives all suffered from 
famine — there was no corn, nor bananas, nor sugar-cane, nor 
fowls, goats, or anything else. Exhibition of brass wire, 
cowries, or beads had no charm for them — because, since 
they had no food, such kinds of currency were unattainable. 
Long ago we had surely all died from want had we been so 



68 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 

simple as to believe them. In every attempt at barter we 
suffered from the cunning rogues. A brass rod only pur- 
chased three ears of corn — in a short time a fowl rose to 
five brass rods. To live at all, we had to take what we 
could, for our would-be friends were our worst enemies, be- 
cause they aided a constant enemy to us — hunger. 

At a place called Mugwye's, above the rapids of Bandeya, 
there is a cluster of seven villages, backed by plantations of 
bananas and manioc-fields miles square. An entire day 
was spent by us pleading, begging, and expostulating, and 
bartering at terribly dear prices — about a third of the peo- 
ple had received about three ears of corn each for their 
cowries and brass rods. The shamefulness of this you will 
better understand when I tell you that at Bangala, 800 miles 
nearer the ocean, a brass rod purchases ten rolls of cassava 
bread, three cowries purchased about fifty bananas, etc.; here 
a brass rod ought to have purchased twenty rolls of bread, 
or two large bunches of bananas. Well, we went over in 
the boat and canoes and helped ourselves, and prepared 
food for the nine days' wilderness ahead of us. 

Four days' march above Mugwye's, we came to Panga 
Falls — a decided fall of thirty feet in the centre. The peo- 
ple here tried to cozen us also ; but as life could not be sus- 
tained with empty words, our intercourse was but short. 

Above Panga the rapids became more frequent — there is 
Nejambi, Mabengu, and Avugadu ; and a day's paddling 
above the latter we come to the settlement of Avejeli, 
opposite the cataract by which the Nepoko, 300 yards wide, 
tumbles into the Ituri, or Aruwimi. 

We gain but little information from natives with whom 
we establish friendship — they are too suspicious and prone to 
lying; our best sources are those whom we succeed in capt- 
uring. After a day's experience of us they recover their 
equanimity and impart readily what they know, or at least 
as much as we can understand of their languages. 



AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. G9 

There was a stout, well-built native captured at Mugwye's. 
He reported to us that there was a large lake to the E.S.E., 
called Nouma, or Urna; it would be found where the Ne- 
poko and Nowelle join and become one. It took a native 
two days to cross the lake. There was a large island in the 
middle full of terrible serpents. I was anxious to see this 
lake, for I looked upon it as a means of lightening our la- 
bors. A water-way taking us 100 miles — or even sixty 
miles east — would be invaluable to us. Road-cutting and 
hundreds of obstacles met in forest-marching would be done 
away with. Some of the terrible serpents we would secure, 
in some way, as specimens. The native was so precise as to 
locality that we believed him, but two days from Avejeli 
our guide escaped, and his story turned out to be a fable ; 
for we never heard more of Nouma, or of any other lake 
while in the forest region. 

Nejambi Rapids mark the division between two different 
kinds of architecture and language. Below, the cone huts 
are to be found ; above the rapids we have villages long and 
straight, of detached square huts surrounded by tall logs of 
the Rubiacese wood, which form separate courts, and add 
materially to the strength of a village. Defended by rifles, 
such villages would require a large force to capture. The 
walls of the huts are jealously screened with logs also. We 
found, after a few days' experience among these, that the 
natives have been compelled to adopt there many precautions 
against the poisoned arrows in use throughout the region. 
At Avisibba, about half-way between Panga Falls and the 
Nepoko, the natives attacked our camp in quite a resolute 
and determined fashion. Their stores of poisoned arrows, 
they thought, gave them every advantage ; and, indeed, when 
the poison is fresh it is most deadly. Lieutenant Stairs and 
five men were wounded by these. Lieutenant Stairs's wound 
was from an arrow the poison of which was dry — it must 
have been put on some days before. After three weeks or 



70 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 

so he recovered strength, though the wound was not closed 
for months. One man received a slight puncture near the 
wrist; he died from tetanus five days after. Another re- 
ceived a puncture near the shoulder in the muscles of the 
arm ; he. died six hours later than the first case — of tetanus 
also. One was wounded in the gullet — a slight puncture ; 
he died on the seventh day. I believe one wounded in the 
side died at night the same day. Tetanus ended the suffer- 
ings of all. We were much exercised as to what this poison 
might be that was so deadly. On returning from the Ny- 
anza to relieve the rear column, under Major Barttelot, we 
halted at Avisibba, and, rummaging among the huts, found 
several packets of dried red ants, or pismires. It was then 
we knew that the dried bodies of these, ground into powder, 
cooked in palm oil, and smeared over the wooden points of 
the arrows, was the deadly irritant by which we lost so many 
fine men with such terrible suffering. JSTow we wonder that 
we have been so long in the dark, for we could create any 
number of poisons from such insects as we have seen. The 
large black ant, for instance, whose bite causes a great blis- 
ter, would be still more venomous prepared in the same way; 
the small gray caterpillars would make another irritant which, 
mixed with the blood, would torture a man to death ; the 
bloated spiders, an inch in length, which are covered with 
prickles most painful to the touch, would form another ter- 
rible compound, the effects of which make one shudder to 
think of. These poisons are prepared in the woods. In the 
depths of the forest the savage makes his fire and prepares 
the fatal venom which lays low even the huge elephant. It 
is forbidden to cook it near a village. In the forest he 
smears his arrows, and having covered the points with fresh 
leaves lest he himself might be a victim, he is ready for war. 
I could write a book almost upon the various species of 
bees found in this forest region, and several books miojht be 
written about the multitude of curious insects we have seen. 



AS TOLD IN II. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 71 

What with the bees of all kinds, the wasps, the various kinds 
of ticks, gnats, etc., our lives have been made just as misera- 
ble as they could well be. We were prepared to encounter 
the most ferocious cannibals, but the Central African forest 
now opened for the first time contains some horrors within 
its gloomy bosom that we were not prepared for. 

The banks of the river, covered with forest from the Con- 
go to the ISTepoko, are uniformly low; here and there they 
rise to about forty feet ; but above the Nepoko, hills begin 
to crop up more frequently, palms are more numerous, and 
the woods show the tall, white-stemmed trees so character- 
istic of the slopes of the Lower Congo. Apropos of these, 
the natives have a curious way of clearing the woods : they 
make a platform about ten or fifteen, or even twenty, feet 
high above the reach of the buttress, and chop the trees 
down at that height. A clearing will show a few hundreds 
of trees thus cropped ; and when the bark is decayed, a 
stranger might fancy, from a first view of the field, that he 
had come upon a ruined city of temples. 

Above the Nepoko, navigation becomes more difficult, 
rapids are more frequent — there are two considerable falls 
to be met with. The land rises steadily, until about 400 
miles above Yambuya the river is contracted into a rushing 
stream about 100 yards wide, banked by the steep walls of a 
canon, though of course in this forest region woods clothe 
the slopes and summits. Whatever changes the face of the 
land may show, the forest covers peak, hill, ridge, valley, 
plain — everywhere it is continuous, nowhere broke-n, except 
at such clearings as man has made. 

We braved this stream, wild as it was, for a few days lon- 
ger, but finally progress became impossible. We emptied 
canoes and boat of their loads, mustered the caravan, and 
found we were so physically weak that we could not carry 
them. Ulcers, famine, dysentery, had sapped the strength 
of a great number. The whole of October, though we had 



72 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 

only about fifty miles to travel, was spent in gaining the set- 
tlement of Kilonga-Longa, about 460 miles above Yambuya, 
sending relief parties back to the survivors of those we had 
left behind. Had we been a year earlier — say had we started 
in 1886 instead of 1887 — we should have met with plenty of 
food up to the Nyanza ; but the Arabs, or two Arabs and 
their followers, had devastated a whole region. Fungi and 
wild fruit sustained us ; and those who could not get suffi- 
cient of the strange things we lived upon perished, or de- 
serted the starving column to die elsewhere. 

You can understand our course hitherto. From Yambuya's 
position 1° 17' IS", lat., we reached with the winding river 
1° 58' N. lat. ; from that point we gradually came south to 
1° N. Kilonga-Longa's is in north latitude 1° 6', and from 
this point we struck an almost direct line to Ibwiri, N. lat. 1° 
20', 3600 feet above the sea, then direct to Mount Pisgah in 
!N". lat. 1° 21', whence we first caught a view of the grass-land. 

From Kilonga-Longa's to the base of Pisgah the people 
are Bakumu, and from the south bank of the Ituri to Stan- 
ley Falls on the Congo, the people are known under that 
term. East of the Ituri, above Kilonga-Longa's, the people 
are Balesa, while in the forest region. The style of villages 
is a single street, flanked by huts connected one with anoth- 
er, of uniform height and make. One of these villages is 
like a long, low hut, say 200, 300, or even 400 yards long, 
sawn from end to end in half — each half removed from the 
other to make a street between, varying from twenty to six- 
ty feet in width. 

Having left the regions invaded by the Arabs and their 
followers in their search for ivory, we fared well, and lived 
almost sumptuously. Our people regained their lost strength 
and became men once more, ready and willing to do any- 
thing or go anywhere. We showed them the grass-land ; 
with grass they connected cattle, quite a sufficient induce- 
ment to spur them on. 



AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 73 

June 28th we began our march through the forest ; on 
December 5th we entered the grass-land — a beautiful rolling 
country. On the 6th we crossed a branch of the Ituri, forty 
yards broad, flowing from N.N.W. ; on the 9th we crossed 
the main Ituri, 125 yards broad, coming from N.N.E. ; on 
the 10th we crossed another branch of the Ituri coming 
from E.N.E. ; on the 13th we looked down upon the Al- 
bert Nyanza from a height (by aneroid) of 5200 feet. This 
was the highest point of land reached by us, though on ei- 
ther side of this there were points attaining an altitude of 
quite 6000 feet. And from this highest point there was a 
sudden drop of 2900 feet to the level of the Albert Lake. 

As I may say also that ten minutes' march took us from 
the head of the stream, draining towards the Ituri to the 
spot whence we saw the Nyanza at our feet, it does not re- 
quire much imagination to picture the face or contour of 
the land from this point down to the confluence of the Aru- 
wimi, or Ituri, with the Congo. It is like the smooth glacis 
of a fort, and then a sudden drop to the bottom of the ditch ; 
the sloping glacis would represent the valley of the Ituri 
up the crest, and then the deep gulf, 2900 feet deep, at the 
bottom of which is the lake. 

The Aruwimi has many names — the Dudu, Biyerre, Su- 
halij the Nevva, Nowelle, Itiri — for the last 300 miles of its 
course, but upward to its source it has a singular, wide- 
spreading fame under the name of Ituri. The aborigines 
of the Nyanza — the open plateau and forest tribes down to 
within a few miles of the Nepoko — all unite in calling it 
the Ituri. 

The main Ituri, at the distance of 680 miles from its 
mouth, is 125 yards wide, nine feet deep, and has a current 
of three knots. It appears to run parallel with the Nyanza. 
Near that group of cones and hills affectionately named 
Mount Schweinfurth, Mount Junker, and Mount Speke, I 
would place its highest source. Draw three or four respect- 



74: THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 

able streams draining into it from the crest of the plateau 
overlooking the Albert Nyanza, and two or three respectable 
streams flowing into it from north-westerly ; let the main 
stream flow S.W. to near !N". lat. 1° ; give it a bow-like form 
K lat. 1° to N. lat. 1° 50' ; then let it flow with curves and 
bends down to N. lat. 1° 17 / near Yambuya, and you have a 
sketch of the course of the Aruwimi, or Ituri,from the high- 
est source down to its mouth, and the length of this Congo 
tributary will be 800 miles. We have travelled on it and 
along its banks for 680 miles on our first march to the Ny- 
anza, for 156 miles along its banks or near its vicinity we 
returned to obtain our boat from Kilonga-Longa's, then we 
conveyed the boat to the Nyanza for as many miles again; 
for 480 miles we traversed its flanks or voyaged on its waters 
to hunt up the rear column of the expedition ; for as many 
miles we must retrace our steps to the Albert Nyanza for the 
third time. You will therefore agree with me that we have 
sufficient knowledge of this river for all practical purposes. 
On the 25th of May, 1888, Emin Pasha's Soudanese were 
drawn up in line to salute the advance column as it marched 
in file towards the Ituri River from the Nyanza. Half an 
hour after we parted I was musing, as I walked, of the Pasha 
and his steamer, when my gun-bearer cried out, " See, sir, 
what a big mountain ; it is covered with salt!" I gazed in 
the direction he pointed out, and there, sure enough, 

" Some blue peaks in the distance rose, 
And white against the cold white sky 
Shone out their crowning snows;" 

or, rather, to be true, a blue mountain of prodigious height 
and mass. This, then, said I, must be the Puwenzori which 
the natives said had something white like the metal of my 
lamp on the top. By prismatic compass-bearing the centre 
of the summit bore 215° magnetic, from a point five miles 
from the shores of Nyanza. I should estimate its distance 
to be quite fifty miles from where we stood. Whether it is 



AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 75 

Mount Gordon Bennett or not I am uncertain. Against the 
supposition is the fact that I saw no snow on the latter in 
1876, that its shape is vastly different, and that Ruwenzori 
is a little too far west for the position I gave of Gordon 
Bennett; and I doubt that Gordon Bennett Mountain, if its 
latitude is correct, could be seen from a distance of eighty 
geographical miles in an atmosphere not very remarkable 
for its clearness. I should say that the snow-line seemed to 
be about 1000 feet from the summit. There is plenty of 
room for both Ruwenzori and Gordon Bennett in the inter- 
vening space between Beatrice Gulf and the Albert Nyanza. 

Apropos of the latter lake, I am utterly at a loss to con- 
jecture how Sir Samuel Baker could stretch it to such an 
infinite length to the south-west from the position of the 
highland or terrace, or knoll, above Yacovia, or Mbakovia. 
Its extremest southern point is about 1° 11/ !N". lat. ; I think 
about four or five miles at the utmost from the place where 
he stood. To make matters more complicated, he says in his 
book that the day he viewed it was " beautifully clear." If 
so, he should have seen that he was merely looking at a 
shallow bay, some ten miles wide,' and four or five miles 
deep ; that into a tongue of the bay enters the Semliki River, 
a southern tributary of the lake, flowing from the south-west 
through an almost level plain. And if it were a " beauti- 
fully clear day," he could not fail to have seen this snowy 
mountain right before him as he looked towards the south- 
west. " The blue mountains " also are no other than the 
slope of the plateau, 5200 feet above the sea, or 2900 feet 
above the Albert. That remarkable cataract also is only the 
wet face of sheet-rock, washed by a small stream about ten 
feet wide. 

Until we stood at ~N. lat. 1° 20', looking down upon the 
lake, I half suspected that Colonel Mason had committed a 
grievous error in his observations, or that a large bank of 
mud, overgrown with tall reeds, had prevented him from 



76 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 

seeing the lake beyond ; but unfortunately for Sir Samuel's 
huge lake, Colonel Mason has done his work, and mapped 
the lake, so well that there is nothing -left for me but to 
vouch for the general accuracy of his chart of the Albert 
Nyanza. 

At the south and south-west of the lake there is no mys- 
tery. A century (or perhaps more) ago the lake must have 
been some twelve or fifteen miles longer, and considerably 
broader opposite Mbakovia than it is now. With the wear- 
ing away of the reefs obstructing the Kile below Wadelai, 
the lake has rapidly receded, and is still doing so, to the as- 
tonishment of the Pasha (Emin), who first saw Lake Albert 
seven or eight years ago ; " For," he says, " islands that were 
near the west shore have now become headlands occupied by 
our stations, and native villages." 

Across the lake from Nyamsassic to Mbakovia its color 
indicates great shallowness, being brown and muddy, like 
that of a river flowing through alluvial soil. Some of this 
must of course be due to the Semliki River; but while on 
board the Khedive steamer, from Nyamsassic to Nsabi, I 
noticed that the pole of the sounding-man at the bow con- 
stantly touched ground a mile and a half from shore. Near 
the south end the steamer has to anchor about five miles 
from shore. 

At the south-west end the plain rises from the edge of the 
lake one foot in 180 feet ; the plain of the south end rises at 
the same rate for about ten miles ; a slight change then 
takes place as the eastern and western walls of the table- 
land draw nearer, and debris from their slopes, washed by 
rains and swept by strong winds, humus of grass and thorn 
forest, have added to its height above the lake. Natives 
say that south of this the plain slopes steeply to the level of 
the uplands. A shoulder of the western wall prevented us 
from verifying this, and the beyond must be left until we 
take our journey homeward. 



AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 77 

I look upon the country lying between the Albert Nyanza 
and the lake discovered by me in 1876 as promising curious 
revelations. Up to this moment I am not certain to which 
river the last lake belongs, whether to the Nile or the Congo. 
I believe to the latter, but what I am sure of is that it has 
no connection with the Albert Nyanza. The Ruwenzori 
slopes must supply a large portion of the waters of the Sem- 
liki River, the plateau south-west and west must supply the 
rest. But it is at the water-parting between the Semliki and 
some other river south or south-west that real interest begins. 

The tribes inhabiting the forest and valley of the Ituri are 
undoubted cannibals. Between the Nepoko and the grass- 
land the dwarfs are exceedingly numerous. They are called 
Wambutti. The Pasha's people with us recognize in them 
the Tikki-tikki farther north. A few only of these peo- 
ple are to be found south of the Ituri. I suppose we 
saw about 150 forest villages or camps of the Wambutti. 
They are a venomous, cowardly, and thievish race ; very ex- 
pert with their arrows, as we have found to our cost. 

Ugarrowwa, a former tent-boy of Speke's, now grown to 
be an important man in this region, through wealth unlaw- 
fully gathered at the expense of thousands of forest natives, 
is becoming impatient for this letter. To him I confide it, 
trusting that it will reach you some time. — Yours obediently, 

Henry M. Stanley. 



TELEGRAMS FROM MR. STANLEY. 

THE HOME-COMING — EXTENSION OF THE VICTORIA NYANZA. 

[The following telegram from Mr. Stanley, despatched from 
Zanzibar, reached Sir Wm. Mackinnon on November 4th.] 

November 2, 1889. 

Reached Albert Nyanza from Banalya, place of despatch 
of last letter to you, for the third time in 140 days. Eound 



78 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 

out that Emin and Jephson both prisoners since 18th Au- 
gust last year, being day after I made the discovery that 
Major Barttelot's caravan was wrecked. Troops Equatorial 
Province revolted, shaken off all allegiance ; shortly after 
Mahdists invaded province in full force. After the first 
battle many stations yielded, panic-struck ; the natives joined 
invaders, assist destruction of province ; fugitives were killed; 
great loss of ammunition. Invaders suffered reverse at tak- 
ing of Dufile, and despatched steamer to Khartoum for re- 
inforcements. Found a letter waiting for me near Albert 
Nyanza exposing dangerous position, survivors urging im- 
mediate necessity my arrival before the end of December, 
otherwise it would be too late. Arrived there 18th January 
for third time. From 14th February to 8th May I waited 
for fugitives, then left Albert Nyanza homeward bound. 
Route taken : traversed Sempliki Valley, Anamba, Uson- 
gora, Toro, Uhaiyama, Unyampaka, Anhori, Karagwe, Uha- 
yai, Uzinza to South Victoria Nyanza. No hostile natives 
since we left Kabbarega ; travelled along base snowy range 
Kujenzori ; three sides Southern Nyanza, or Nyanza of 
Usongora. It is called now Albert Edward Nyanza, and is 
about nine hundred feet higher than Albert Nyanza. It has 
exit by the Sempliki, which receives over fifty streams from 
Ruwenzori, and finally enters Albert Nyanza, making Albert 
Edward source south-west branch White Nile, Victoria Ny- 
anza being south-east sources. 

[The following telegram from Mr. Stanley was received 
by Sir William Mackinnon on November 21st.] 

"Arrived at Mpwapwa 10th November; expect to leave 
12th November for East Coast, via Simbamwenni. Euro- 
peans all well. Bringing about 300 Soudanese. Expect me 
to arrive any day at coast. Have discovered Victoria Nyanza 
extends south-west, bringing it to within 155 miles of Lake 
Tanganyika; length of Victoria Nyanza now 270 miles, area 
27,000 square miles." 



AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 79 

[On the same date the following telegram was received at 
the Foreign Office.] 

"Zanzibar, November 21, 1889. 

"Following news from Stanley: — Arrived at Mpwapwa 
November 10th, fifty-fifth day from Victoria Nyanza and 
188th from Albert Nyanza. Europeans present — Stairs, 
Nelson, Jephson, Parke, Bonny, Hoffmann, Emin Pasha and 
daughter, Casati, Marco, and Fathers Grault and Schinze, of 
Algerian Mission. Proposed leaving 12th, reach coast via 
Heuba Mwemi. Stanley says has made unexpected discov- 
ery of real value to Africa in extension of Victoria Nyanza 
to the south-west. The utmost southerly reach of this ex- 
tension is south latitude 2 deg. 48 min., and brings Victorian 
Sea within 155 miles from Lake Tanganyika, and that area 
of lake is 26,900 square miles. All letters and news now 
pass through German hands." 



LETTER VIII. 

THE MARCH TO THE COAST. DISCOVERIES BY THE WAY. — IM- 
PRISONMENT OF EMIN AND MR. JEPHSON. THE MAHDI. 

[The following and other Letters referring to the march 
to the Coast were received in London in the end of No- 
vember.] 

Kafurro, Arab Settlement, Karagwe, xlugust 5, 1889. 

To the Chairman of the Emin Pasha Relief Fund. 

Sir, — My last report to you was sent off by Salim bin 
Mohammed in the early part of September, 1888. Over a 
year full of stirring events for this part of the world has 
passed since then. I will endeavor in this other following 
letter to inform you of what has occurred. 

Having gathered such as were left of the rear column, 
and such Manyuemas as were willing of their own accord to 



80 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 

accompany me, and entirely reorganized the expedition, we 
set off on our return to the Nyanza. You will, doubtless, 
remember that Mr. Mounteney Jephson had been left with 
Emin Pasha, to convey my message to the Egyptian troops, 
and that on or about the 26th of July both Emin Pasha and 
Mr. Jephson were to start from the Nyanza, with a sufficient 
escort, and a number of porters to conduct the officers and 
garrison of Fort Bodo to a new station that was to be erected 
near Kavalli, on the south-west side of Lake Albert, by 
which I should be relieved of the necessity of making a 
fourth trip to Fort Bodo. Promise for promise had been 
made ; for, on my part, I had solemnly promised that I should 
hurry towards Yambuya and hunt up the missing rear col- 
umn, and be back again on Lake Albert some time about 
Christmas. 

I have already told you that the rear column was in a 
deplorable state ; that out of the 102 members remaining I 
doubted whether fifty would live to reach the lake; but, 
having collected a large number of canoes, the goods and 
sick men were transported in these vessels in such a smooth, 
expeditious manner that there were remarkably few casual- 
ties in the remnant of the rear column. But the wild na- 
tives having repeatedly defeated Ugarrowwa's raiders, by 
this discovered the extent of their own strength, gave us 
considerable trouble, and inflicted considerable loss among 
our best men, who had always, of course, to bear the brunt 
of fighting and the fatigue of paddling. 

However, we had no reason to be dissatisfied with the line 
we had made, when progress by river became too tedious 
and difficult, and the order to cast off the canoes was given. 
This was four days' journey above Ugarrowwa's station, or 
about three hundred miles above Banalya. 

We decided that as the south bank of the Ituri River was 
pretty well known to us, with all its intolerable scarcity and 
terrors, it would be best to try the north bank, though we 



AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 81 

should have to traverse for some days the despoiled lands, 
which had been a common centre for Ugarrowwa's and 
Kilinga-Longa's bands of raiders. We were about one bun- 
dred and sixty miles from the grass-land, which opened a 
prospect of future feasts of beef, veal, and mutton, with pleas- 
ing variety of vegetables, as well as oil and butter for cook- 
ing. Bright gossip on such subjects by those who had seen 
the Nyanza served as stimulants to the dejected, half-heart- 
ed survivors of the rear column. 

On the 30th of October, having cast off the canoes, the 
land march began in earnest, and two days later discovered a 
large plantain plantation in charge of the dwarfs. The peo- 
ple flung themselves on the plantains, to make as large a 
provision as possible for the dreaded wilderness ahead of us. 
The most enterprising always secured a fair share, and 
twelve hours later would be furnished with a week's provi- 
sions of plantain flour. The feeble and indolent revelled for 
the time being on abundance of roasted fruit, but always 
neglected providing for the future, and thus became victims 
to famine. 

After moving from this place, ten days passed before we 
reached another plantation, during which time we lost more 
men than we had lost between Banalya and Ugarrowwa's. 
The small-pox broke out among the Manyuema and their 
followers, and the mortality was terrible. Our Zanzibaris 
escaped this pest, however, owing to the vaccination they 
had undergone on board the Madura. 

We were now about four days' march above the conflu- 
ence of the Ihuru and Ituri rivers, and within about a mile 
from the Ishuru. As there was no possibility of crossing 
this violent and large tributary of the Ituri, or Aruwimi, we 
had to follow its right bank until a crossing could be dis- 
covered. 

Four days later we stumbled across the principal village 
of a district called Andikumu, surrounded by the finest plau- 
6 



82 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 

tation of bananas and plantains we had yet seen, which all 
the Manyuemas' habit of spoliation and destruction had been 
unable to destroy. There our people, after severe starvation 
during fourteen da} 7 s, gorged themselves to such excess that 
it contributed greatly to lessen our numbers. Every twen- 
tieth individual suffered some complaint which entirely in- 
capacitated him from duty. 

The Ihuru River was about four miles south-south-east 
from this place, flowing from east-north-east, and about sixty 
yards broad, and deep, owing to the heavy rains. 

From Andikumu a six days' march northerly brought us 
to another flourishing settlement, called Indeman, situated 
about four hours' march from the river we supposed to be 
the Ihuru. Here I was considerably nonplussed by the 
grievous discrepancy between native accounts and my own 
observations. The natives called it the Ihuru River, and my 
instruments and chronometer made it very evident that it 
could not be the Ihuru we knew. Finally, after capturing 
some dwarfs, we discovered that it was the right branch of 
the Ihuru River, called the Dili River. This agreeing with 
my own views, we searched and found a place where we 
could build a bridge across. Mr. Bonny and our Zanzibar 
chief threw themselves into the work, and in a few hours 
the Dui River was safely bridged, and we passed from Inde- 
man into a district entirely unvisited by the Manyuema. 

In this new land, between the right and left branches of 
the Ihuru, the dwarfs called Wambutti were very numerous, 
and conflicts between our rear-guard and these crafty little 
people occurred daily, not without harm to both parties. 
Such as we contrived to capture we compelled to show the 
path; but invariably, for some reason, the} 7 clung to the 
east and east-north-east paths, whereas my route required a 
south-east direction, because of the northing we had made in 
seeking to cross the Dui River. Finally, we followed ele- 
phant and game tracks on a south-east course ; but on the 



AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 83 

9th of December we were compelled to halt for a forage in 
the middle of a vast forest, at a spot indicated by my chart 
to be not more than two or three miles from the Ituri Riv- 
er, which many of our people had seen while we resided at 
Fort Bodo. 

I sent one hundred and fifty rifles back to a settlement 
that was fifteen miles back on the route we had come, while 
many Manyuema followers also undertook to follow them. 

I quote from my journal part of what I wrote on Decem- 
ber 14th, the sixth day of the absence of the foragers : " Six 
days have transpired since our foragers left us. For the 
first four days time passed rapidly — I might say almost 
pleasantly — being occupied in recalculating all my observa- 
tions from Ugarrowwa to Lake Albert and down to date, 
owing to a few discrepancies here and there, which my sec- 
ond and third visit and duplicate and triplicate observations 
enabled me to correct. My occupation then ended, I was 
left to wonder why the large band of foragers did not return. 
The fifth day, having distributed all the stock of flour in 
camp, and killed the only goat we possessed, I was compelled 
to open the officers' provision-boxes and take a pound pot of 
butter, with two cupfuls of my flour, to make an imitation 
gruel, there being nothing else save tea, coffee, sugar, and a 
pot of sago in the boxes. In the afternoon a boy died, and 
the condition of a majority of the rest was most dishearten- 
ing; some could not stand, but fell down in the effort. 
These constant sights acted on my nerves, until I began to 
feel not only moral but physical sympathy as well, as though 
weakness was contagious. Before night a Madi carrier died; 
the last of our Somalis gave signs of collapse ; the few Sou- 
danese with us were scarcely able to move." 

The morning of the sixth day dawned. We made the 
broth as usual — a pot of butter, abundance of water, a pot 
of condensed milk, a cupful of flour, for one hundred and 
thirty people. The chiefs and Mr. Bonny were called to 



84 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 

council. At my proposing a reverse to the foragers of such 
a nature as to exclude our men from returning with news of 
such a disaster, they w T ere altogether unable to comprehend 
such a possibility. They believed it possible that these one 
hundred and fifty men w T ere searching for food, without 
which they would not return. They were then asked to 
consider the supposition that they were five days searching 
for food ; they had lost their road, perhaps, or, having no 
white leader, they had scattered to loot goats, and had en- 
tirely forgotten their starving friends and brothers in camp; 
what would be the state of the one hundred and thirty peo- 
ple five days hence? Mr. Bonny offered to stay with ten 
men in camp, if I provided ten days' food for each person, 
while I would set out to search for the missing men. Food 
to make a light cupful of gruel for ten men for ten days was 
not difficult to procure; but the sick and feeble remaining 
must starve unless I met with good-fortune, and accordingly 
a stone of butter, milk, flour, and biscuits were prepared and 
handed over to the charge of Mr. Bonny. 

The afternoon of the seventh day mustered everybody, 
besides the garrison of the camp, ten men. Sadi, the Man- 
yuema chief, surrendered fourteen of his men to doom ; 
Kibbo-Bora, another chief, abandoned his brother ; Fundi, 
another Manyuema chief, left one of his wives and a little 
boy. We left twenty-six feeble, sick wretches, already past 
all hope, unless food could be brought to them within twen- 
ty-four hours. 

In a cheery tone, though my heart was never heavier, I 
told the forty-three hunger-bitten people that I was going 
back to hunt up the missing men. Probably I should meet 
them on the road, but if I did that they would be driven on 
the run with food to them. We travelled nine miles that 
afternoon, having passed several dead people on the road; 
and early on the eighth day of their absence from camp, met 
them marching in an easy fashion ; but when we were met 



AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 85 

the pace was altered to a quick-step, so that in twenty-six 
hours from leaving Starvation Camp we were back with a 
cheery abundance around, gruel and porridge boiling, bana- 
nas boiling, plantains roasting, and some meat simmering in 
pots for soup. 

This has been the nearest approach to absolute starvation 
in all my African experience. Twenty-one persons alto- 
gether succumbed in this dreadful camp. 

On the 17th of December the Ihuru River was reached in 
three hours, and having a presentiment that the garrison of 
Fort Bodo was still where I had left them, the Ihuru was 
crossed the next day, and the two days following, steering 
through the forest, regardless of paths, we had the good- 
fortune to strike the western angle of the Fort Bodo planta- 
tions on the 20th. 

My presentiment w T as true. Lieutenant Stairs and his 
garrison were still in Fort Bodo, fifty-one souls out of fifty- 
nine, and never a word had been heard of Etnin Pasha or of 
Mr. Mounteney Jephson during the seven months of my 
absence. Knowing the latter to be an energetic man, we 
were left to conjecture what had detained Mr. Jephson, even 
if the affairs of his province had detained the Pasha 

On December 23d the united expedition continued its 
march eastward, and as we had now to work by relaj r s, owing 
to the fifty extra loads that we had stored at the fort, we did 
not reach the Ituri Ferry, which was our last camp in the forest 
region before emerging on the grass-land, until January 9th. 

My anxiety about Mr. Jephson and the Pasha would not 
permit me dawdle on the road, making double trips in this 
manner; so, selecting a rich plantation and a good camping- 
site to the east of the Ituri River, I left Lieutenant Stairs in 
command, with one hundred and twenty-four people, includ- 
ing Dr. Parke and Captain Nelson, in charge of all extra 
loads and camp, and on the 11th of January continued my 
march eastward. 



86 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 

The people of the plains, fearing a repetition of the fight- 
ing of December, 1887, flocked to camp as we advanced, and 
formally tendered their submission, agreed to contributions 
and supplies. Blood - brotherhood was made, exchange of 
gifts made, and firm friendship was established. The huts 
of our camp were constructed by the natives; food, fuel, 
and water were brought to the expedition as soon as the halt- 
ing-place was decided upon. 

We heard no news of the white men on Lake Albert from 
the plain people, by which my wonder and anxiety were in- 
creased, until the 16th, at a place called Gaviras, messengers 
from Kavalli came with a packet of letters, with one letter 
written on three several dates, with several days' interval be- 
tween, from Mr. Jephson, and two notes from Emm Pasha 
confirming the news in Mr. Jephson's letter. 

You can but imagine the intense surprise I felt while 
reading these letters by giving you extracts from them in 
Mr. Jephson's own words : 

Duffle, November 7, 1888. 

Dear Sir, — I am writing to tell you of the position of 
affairs in this country, and I trust this letter will be deliv- 
ered to you at Kavalli in time to warn you to be careful. 

On August 18th a rebellion broke out here, and the Pasha 
and I were made prisoners. The Pasha is a complete pris- 
oner, but 1 am allowed to go about the station ; but my 
movements are watched. The rebellion has been got up by 
some half-dozen Egyptians, officers and clerks, and gradual- 
ly others have joined, some through inclination, but most 
through fear; the soldiers, with the exception of those at 
Lahore, have never taken part in it, but have quietly given 
in to their officers. 

When the Pasha and I were on our way to Pegaf, two 
men, one an officer, Abdul Vaal Effendi, and then a clerk, 
went about and told the people that they had seen you, and 



AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 87 

that you were only an adventurer, and had not come from 
Egypt; that the letters you had brought from the Khedive 
and Nubar Pasha were forgeries; that it was untrue Khar- 
toum had fallen, and that the Pasha and you had made a 
plot to take them, their wives, and children out of the coun- 
try, and hand them over as slaves to the English. Such 
words in an ignorant and fanatical country like this acted 
like fire among the people, and the result was a general re- 
bellion, and we were made prisoners. 

The rebels then collected officers from the different sta- 
tions, and held a large meeting here to determine what meas- 
ures they should take, and all those who did not join in the 
movement were so insulted and abused that they were 
obliged, for their own safety, to acquiesce in what was done. 
The Pasha was deposed, and those officers who were sus- 
pected of being friendly to him were removed from their 
posts, and those friendly to the rebels were put in their 
places. It was decided to take the Pasha as a prisoner to 
Regaf, and some of the worst rebels were even for putting 
him in irons; but the officers were afraid to put their plans 
into execution, as the soldiers said they would never permit 
any one to lay a hand on him. Plans were also made to 
entrap you when you returned, and strip you of all you had. 

Things were in this condition, when we were startled by 
the news that the Mahdi's people had arrived at Lado with 
three steamers and nine sandals and nuggers, and had estab- 
lished themselves on the site of the old station. Omar Sali, 
their general, sent up three peacock dervishes with a letter to 
the Pasha (a copy of this will follow, as it contains some in- 
teresting news), demanding the instant surrender of the 
country. The rebel officers seized them and put them in 
prison, and decided on war. After a few days the Mahdists 
attacked and captured Regaf, killing five officers and num- 
bers of soldiers, and taking many women and children pris- 
oners, and all the stores and ammunition in the station were 



88 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 

lost. The result of this was a general stampede of people 
from the stations of Bidden, Kirri, and Muggi, who lied with 
their women and children to Lahore, abandoning almost ev- 
erything. At Kirri the ammunition was abandoned, and 
was at once seized by the natives. The Pasha reckons that 
the Mahdists number about one thousand five hundred. 

The officers and a large number of soldiers have returned 
to Muggi, and intend to make a stand against the Mahdists. 
Our position here is extremely unpleasant, for since the re- 
bellion all is chaos and confusion. There is no head, and 
half a dozen conflicting orders are given every day, and no 
one obeys. The rebel officers are wholly unable to control 

the soldiers. 

. • • . • » . 

The Ban's have joined the Mahdists. If they come down 
here with a rush nothing can save us. 

The officers are all very much frightened at what has 
taken place, and are now anxiously awaiting your arrival, 
and desire to leave the country with you, for they are now 
really persuaded that Khartoum has fallen, and that you 
have come from the Khedive. 

• •••••• 

We are like rats in a trap ; they will neither let us act 
nor retire, and I fear unless you come very soon you will 
be too late, and our fate will be like that of the rest of the 
garrisons of the Soudan. Had this rebellion not happened, 
the Pasha could have kept the Mahdists in check for some 
time ; but as it is he is powerless to act. 

I would suggest on your arrival at Kavalli that you write 
a letter in Arabic to Shukri Aga (Chief of Mswa Station), 
telling him of your arrival, and telling him you wish to see 
the Pasha and myself, and write also to the Pasha or myself, 
telling us what number of men you have with you. It 



AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 89 

would, perhaps, be better to write to me, as a letter to him 
might be confiscated. 

• •••••* 

Neither the Pasha nor myself thinks there is the slight- 
est danger now of any attempt to capture you being made, 
for the people are now fully persuaded you come from 
Egypt, and they look to you to get them out of their diffi- 
culties ; still it would be well for you to make your camp 
strong. 

If we are not able to get out of the country, please re- 
member me to my friends, etc. — Yours faithfully, 

A. J. MoUNTENEY JePIISON. 

To H. M. Stanley, Esq., Commander of the 
Relief Expedition. 

Wadelai, November 24, 1888. 

My messenger not having yet left Wadelai, I add this 

postscript, as the Pasha wishes me to send, my former letter 

to you in its entirety. 

Shortly after I had written to you the soldiers were led 
by their officers to attempt to retake Regaf, but the Mah- 
dists defeated them, and killed six officers and a large num- 
ber of soldiers. Among the officers killed were some of 
the Pasha's worst enemies. The soldiers in all the stations 
were so panic-stricken and angry at what had happened that 
they declared they would not attempt to tight unless the 
Pasha was set at liberty : so the rebel officers were obliged 
to free him, and sent us to Wadelai, where he is free to do 
as he pleases, but at present he has not resumed his author- 
ity in the country ; he is, I believe, by no means anxious to 
do so. We hope in a few days to be at Tunguru, a station 
on the lake, two days by steamer from N'sabe, and I trust 
when we hear of your arrival that the Pasha himself will 
be able to come down with me to see you. 



90 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 

Our danger as far as the Mahdists are concerned is, of 
course, increased by this last defeat, but our position is in 
one way better now, for we are farther removed from them, 
and we have now the option of retiring if we please, which 
we had not before while we were prisoners. We hear that 
the Mahdists have sent steamers down to Khartoum for re- 
inforcements ; if so, they cannot be up here for another six 
weeks. If they come up here with reinforcements it will 
be all up with us, for the soldiers will never stand against 
them, and it will be a mere walk over. 

Every one is anxiously looking for your arrival, for the 
coming of the Mahdists has completely cowed them. 

We may just manage to get out — if you do not come 
later than the end of December — but it is entirely impossi- 
ble to foresee what will happen. A. J. M. J. 

Tunguru, December 18, 1888. 

Dear Sir, — Mogo (the messenger) not having yet started, 
I send a second postscript. We are now at Tunguru. On 
November 25th the Mahdists surrounded Duffle Station, 
and besieged it for four days. The soldiers, of whom there 
were about live hundred, managed to repulse them, and 
they retired to Regaf, their headquarters. As they have 
sent down to Khartoum for reinforcements, they doubtless 
will attack again when strengthened. In our flight from 
Wadelai the officers requested me to destroy our boat (the 
Advance). I therefore broke it up. 

Duffle is being renovated as fast as possible. . . . The Pa- 
sha is unable to move hand or foot, as there is still a very 
strong party against him, and the officers are no longer in 
immediate fear of the Mahdists. 

Do not on any account come down to Usate (my former 
camp on the .lake, near Kavalli's Island), but make your 



AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 91 

camp at Kavalli (on the plateau above). Send a letter di- 
rectly you arrive there, and as soon as we hear of your ar- 
rival I will come to you. I will not disguise the fact from 
you that you will have a difficult and dangerous work before 
you in dealing with the Pasha's people. I trust you will 
arrive before the Mahdists are reinforced, or our case will 

be desperate. 

I am, yours faithfully, 

A. J. MoUNTENEY JEPHSON. 

You will doubtless remember that I stated to you in one 
of my latest letters last year (1888) that 1 know no more of 
the ultimate intentions of Emin Pasha than you at home 
know. He was at one time expressing himself as anxious to 
leave, at another time shaking his head, and dolorously ex- 
claiming, " I can't leave my people." Finally, 1 departed 
from him in May, 1888, with something like a definite prom- 
ise : " If my people leave, I leave ; if my people stay, I 
stay." 

Here, then, on January 16, 1889, I receive this batch of 
letters and two notes from the Pasha himself confirming the 
above, but not a word from either Mr. Jephson or the Pasha 
indicative of the Pasha's purpose. Did he still waver, or 
was he at last resolved? With any other man than the 
Pasha or Gordon, one would imagine that, being a prisoner, 
and a fierce enemy hourly expected to give the coup mortel, 
he would gladly embrace the first chance to escape from a 
country given up by his Government. But there was no 
hint in these letters what course the Pasha would follow. 
These few hints of mine, however, will throw light on my 
postscript, which here follows, and on my state of mind after 
reading these letters. 

I wrote a formal letter, which might be read by any per- 
son, the Pasha, Mr. Jephson, or any of the rebels, and ad- 
dressed it to Mr. Jephson, as requested ; but on a separate 



92 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 

sheet of paper I wrote a private postscript for Mr. Jeph son's 

perusal. 

Kavalli, January 18, 1889, 3 p.m. 

My dear Jephson, — I now send thirty rifles and three of 
Kavalli's men down to the lake with my letters, with urgent 
instructions that a canoe should set off, and the bearers be 
rewarded. 

I may be able to stay longer than six days here, perhaps 
for ten days. I will do my best to prolong my stay until 
you arrive without rupturing the peace. Our people have 
a good store of beads, cowries, and cloth, and I notice that 
the natives trade very readily, which will assist Kavalli's re- 
sources should he get uneasy under our prolonged visit. 

Be wise, be quick, and waste no hour of time, and bring 
Buiza and your own Soudanese with you. I have read your 
letters half a dozen times over, but I fail to grasp the situa- 
tion thoroughly, because in some important details one letter 
seems to contradict the other. In one you say the Pasha is 
a close prisoner, while you are allowed a certain amount of 
liberty ; in the other you say that you will come to me as 
soon as you hear of our arrival here, and " I trust," you say, 
" the Pasha will be able to accompany me." Being prison- 
ers, I fail to see how you could leave Tunguru at all. All 
this is not very clear to us, who are fresh from the bush. 

If the Pasha can come, send a courier, on your arrival at 
our old camp on the lake below here, to announce the fact, 
and I will send a strong detachment to escort him up to the 
plateau, even to carry him if he needs it. I feel too exhaust- 
ed after my thirteen hundred miles of travel since I parted 
from you last May, to go down to the lake again. The 
Pasha must have some pity for me. 

Don't be alarmed or uneasy on our account ; nothing hos- 
tile can approach us within twelve miles without my know- 
ing it. I am in the thickest of a friendly population, and if 
I sound the war-note, within four hours I can have two thou- 



AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 93 

sand warriors to assist to repel any force disposed to violence. 
And if it is to be a war of wits, why, then, I am ready for 
the cnnningest Arab alive. 

I wrote above that I read your letters half a dozen times, 
and my opinion of you varies with each reading. Some- 
times I fancy you are half Mahdist or Arabist, and then Ernin- 
ist. I shall be wiser when I see you. 

. . . Now, don't you be perverse, but obey, and let my 
order to you be as a frontlet between the eyes, and all, with 
God's gracious help, will end well. 

I want to help the Pasha somehow, but he must also help 
me, and credit me. If he wishes to get out of this trouble, 
I am his most devoted servant and friend, but if he hesi- 
tates again I shall be plunged in wonder and perplexity. I 
could save a dozen Pashas if they were willing to be saved. 
I would go on my knees to implore the Pasha to be sensible 
in his own case. He is wise enough in all things else, even 
his own interest. Be kind and good to him for many virt- 
ues, but do not you be drawn into the fatal fascination Sou- 
dan territory seems to have for all Europeans of late years. 
As soon as they touch its ground they seem to be drawn into 
a whirlpool which sucks them in and covers them with 
its waves. The only way to avoid it is to obey blindly, 
devotedly, and unquestioningly all orders from the out- 
side. 

The Committee said: "Relieve Emin Pasha with this am- 
munition. If he wishes to come out, the ammunition will 
enable him to do so ; if he elects to stay, it will be of service 
to him." The Khedive said the same thing, and added, 
" But if the Pasha and his officers wish to stay, they do so 
on their own responsibility." Sir Evelyn Baring said the 
same thing in clear and decided words, and here I am, after 
4100 miles of travel, with the last instalment of relief. Let 
him who is authorized to take it, take it. Come ; I am ready 
to lend him all my strength and wit to assist him. But this 



94 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 

time there must be no hesitation, but positive yea or nay, 

and home we go. 

Yours, very sincerely, 

Heney M. Stanley. 
A. J. Mounteney Jephson, Esq. 

If you will bear in mind that on August 17, 1888, after a 
march of 600 miles to hunt up the rear column, I met only 
a miserable remnant of it, wrecked by the irresolution of its 
officers, neglect of their promises, and indifference to their 
written orders, you will readily understand why, after an- 
other march of 700 miles, I was a little put out when I dis- 
covered that, instead of performing their promise of con- 
ducting the garrison of Fort Bodo to the Nyanza, Mr. Jeph- 
son and Emin Pasha had allowed themselves to be made 
prisoners on about the very day they were expected by the 
garrison of Fort Bodo to reach them. It could not be pleas- 
ant reading to find that, instead of being able to relieve 
Emin Pasha, I was more than likely, by the tenor of these 
letters, to lose one of my own officers, and to add to the 
number of the Europeans in that unlucky Equatorial Prov- 
ince. However, a personal interview with Mr. Jephson was 
necessary, in the firct place, to understand fairly or fully the 
state of affairs. 

On February 6, 1889, Mr. Jephson arrived in the after- 
noon at our camp at Kavalli on the plateau. 

I was startled to hear Mr. Jephson, in plain, undoubting 
words, say, "Sentiment is the Pasha's worst enemy; no one 
keeps Emin Pasha back but Emin Pasha himself." This 
is a summary of what Mr. Jephson had learned during nine 
months, from May 25, 1888, to February 6, 1889. I gath- 
ered sufficiently from Mr. Jephson's verbal report to con- 
clude that during nine months neither the Pasha, Signor 
Casati, nor any man in the province, had arrived nearer any 
other conclusion than that which was told us ten months 
before. Thus: 



AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 95 

The Pasha : " If my people go, I go ; if they stay, I stay." 

Signor Casati : " If the Governor goes, I go ; if the Gov- 
ernor stays, I stay." 

The Faithful : " If the Pasha goes, we go ; if the Pasha 
stays, we stay." 

However, the diversion in our favor created by the Mah- 
dists' invasion, and the dreadful slaughter they made of all 
they met, inspired us with a hope that we could get an an- 
swer at last — though Mr. Jephson could only reply : " I real- 
ly cannot tell you what the Pasha means to do. He says he 
wishes to go away, but will not make a move ; no one will 
move. It is impossible to say what any man will do. Per- 
haps another advance by the Mahdists would send them all 
pell-mell towards you, to be again irresolute, and requiring 
several weeks' rest to consider again." 

In February I despatched a company to the Steam Ferry, 
with orders to Mr. Stairs to hasten with his column to Ka- 
valli with a view to concentrate the expedition ready for any 
contingency. Couriers were also despatched to the Pasha, 
telling him of our movements and intentions, and asking 
him to point out how we could best aid him. Whether it 
would be best for us to remain at Kavalli, or whether we 
should advance into the province, and assist him at Mswa or 
Tunguru Island, where Mr. Jephson had left him. I sug- 
gested the simplest plan for him would be to seize a steamer 
and employ her in the transport of the refugees (who, I heard, 
were collected in numbers at Tunguru) to my old camp on 
the Nyanza, or that, failing a steamer, he should march over- 
land from Tuno-uru to Mswa. and send a canoe to inform me 
he had done so, and a few days after I could be at Mswa, 
with two hundred and fifty rifles, to escort them to Kavalli. 
But the demand was for something positive, otherwise it 
would be my duty to destroy the ammunition and march 
homeward. 

On the 13th of February a native courier appeared in 



96 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 

camp with a letter from Emin Pasha, with news which elec- 
trified us. He was actually at anchor just below our plateau 
camp. But here is the formal letter : 

Camp, February 13, 1889. 
To Henry M. Stanley, Esq., Commanding the Relief Expedition. 

Sir, — In answer to jour letter of the 7th inst., for which 
I beg to tender my best thanks, I have the honor to inform 
you that yesterday, at 3 p.m., I arrived here with my two 
steamers, carrying a first lot of people desirous to leave this 
country under your escort. As soon as I have arranged for 
cover of my people, the steamships have to start for Mswa 
Station, to bring on another lot of people awaiting transport. 

With me there are some twelve officers anxious to see you, 
and only forty soldiers. They have come under my orders 
to request you to give them some time to bring their broth- 
ers — at least such as are willing to leave — from Wadelai, and 
I promised them to do my best to assist them. Things hav- 
ing to some extent now changed, you will be able to make 
them undergo whatever conditions you see fit to impose upon 
them. To arrange these I shall start from here with the offi- 
cers for your camp, after having provided for the camp, and 
if you send carriers, I could avail me of some of them. 

I hope sincerely that the great difficulties you have had to 
undergo, and the great sacrifices made by your expedition in 
its way to assist us, may be rewarded by a full success in bring- 
ing out my people. The wave of insanity which overran the 
country has subsided, and of such people as are now coming 
with me we may be sure. 

Signor Casati requests me to give his best thanks for your 
kind remembrance of him. 

Permit me to express to you once more my cordial thanks 
for whatever you have done for us until now, and believe me 
to be, Yours very faithfully, 

Dr. Emin. 



AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 97 

During the interval between Mr. Jephson's arrival and the 
receipt of this letter, Mr. Jephson had written a pretty full 
report of all that he had heard from the Pasha, Signor Casati, 
and Egyptian soldiers, of all the principal events that had 
transpired within the last few years in the Equatorial Prov- 
ince. In Mr. Jephson's report I come across such sentences 
as the following conclusions. I give them for your con- 
sideration. 

" And this leads me now to say a few words concerning the 
position of affairs in this country when I entered it on April 
21, 1888. The 1st battalion, about seven hundred rifles, 
had long been in rebellion against the Pasha's authority, and 
had twice attempted to make him prisoner. The 2d battal- 
ion, about six hundred and fifty rifles, though professedly 
loyal, was insubordinate and almost unmanageable. The 
Pasha possessed only a semblance, a mere rag of authority ; 
and if he required anything of importance to be done, he 
could no longer order — he was obliged to beg — his officers 
do it. 

" ISTow, when we were at N'sabe, in May, 1888, though the 
Pasha hinted that things were a little difficult in his country, 
he never revealed to us the true state of things, which was 
actually desperate, and we had not the slightest idea that any 
mutiny or discontent was likely to arise among his people. 
We thought, as most people in Europe and Egypt had been 
taught to believe by the Pasha's own letters and Dr. Junker's 
later representations, that all his difficulties arose from events 
outside his country, whereas, in point of fact, his real danger 
arose from internal dissensions ; thus we were led to place 
our trust in people who were utterly unworthy of our confi- 
dence or help, and who, instead of being grateful to us for 
wishing to help them, have from the very first conspired 
how to plunder the expedition and turn us adrift ; and had 
the mutineers, in their highly excited state, been able to 
7 



98 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 

prove one single case of injustice or cruelty or neglect of 
his people against the Pasha, he would most assuredly have 
lost his life in this rebellion." 

I shall only worry you just now with one more quotation 
from Mr. Jephson's final report and summary: 

" As to the Pasha's wish to leave the country, I can say 
decidedly he is most anxious to go out with us, but under 
what conditions he will consent to come out I can hardly 
understand. I do not think he quite knows himself, his 
ideas seem to me to vary so much on the subject ; to-day he 
is ready to start up and go, to-morrow some new idea holds 
him back. I have had many conversations with him about 
it, but have never been able to get his unchanging opinion 
on the subject. After this rebellion I remarked to him, ' I 
presume, now that your people have deposed you, and put 
you aside, you do not consider that you have any longer 
any responsibility or obligations concerning them;' and he 
answered, 'Had they not deserted me, I should have felt 
bound to stand by them and help them in any way I could ; 
but now I consider I am absolutely free to think only of 
my own personal safety and welfare, and if I get the chance, 
I shall go out regardless of everything.' And yet only a 
few days before I left him he said to me: 'I know I am 
not in any way responsible for these people, but I cannot 
bear to go out myself first and leave any one here behind 
me who is desirous of quitting the country. It is mere 
sentiment, I know, and, perhaps, a sentiment you will sym- 
pathize with ; but my enemies at Wadelai would point at 
me and say to the people, " You see he has deserted you !" ' 
These are merely two examples of what passed between us 
on the subject of his going out with us, but I could quote 
numbers of things he has said all equally contradictory. 
Again, too, being somewhat impatient after one of these 
unsatisfactory conversations, I said, ' If ever the expedition 
does reach any place near you, I shall advise Mr. Stanley to 



AS TOLD i:> H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 99 

arrest you and carry you off whether you will or no;' to 
which he replied, ' Well, I shall do nothing to prevent you 
doing that.' It seems to me that if we are to save him, we 
must save him from himself. 

"Before closing my report I must bear witness to the 
fact that in my frequent conversations with all sorts and 
conditions of the Pasha's people I heard, with hardly any 
exceptions, only praise of his justice and generosity to his 
people ; but I have heard it suggested that he did not hold 
his people with a sufficiently firm hand."' 

I now am bound, by the length of this letter, necessities 

of travel, and so forth, to halt. Our stay at Kafurro is 

ended, and we must march to-morrow. A new page of this 

interesting period in our expedition will be found in my 

next letter. Meantime you have the satisfaction to know 

that Emin Pasha, after all, is close to our camp at the lake 

shore ; that carriers have been sent to him to bring up his 

luggage and assist his people. 

Yours faithfully, 

Henry M. Stanley. 
William Mackinnon, Esq., 

Chairman of the E. P. R. Committee. 



LETTER IX. 

the difficulty with emin. — treachery of the egyptians. 

— muster of the fugitives. the march to the east 

coast. — Stanley's illness. — new geographical discov- 
eries. 

Camp at Kizinga, Uzinja, August 17, 1889. 

To the Chairman of the Emin Pasha Relief Committee. 

Sir, — On the 17th of February Emin Pasha and a follow- 
ing of about sixty -five people, inclusive of Selim Bey, or 
Colonel Selim, and seven other officers, who were a deputa- 
tion sent by the officers of the Equatorial Province, arrived 



100 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 

at my camp on the plateau near Kavalli's village. The 
Pasha was in mufti, but the deputation were in uniform, 
and made quite a sensation in the country ; three of them 
were Egyptians, but the others were Nubians, and were 
rather soldierly in their appearance, and, with one or two 
exceptions, received warm commendations from the Pasha. 
The divan was to be held the next day. 

On the 18th Lieutenant Stairs arrived with his column — 
largely augmented by Mazamboni's people — from the Ituri 
River, and the expedition was once more united, not to be 
separated, I hoped, again during our stay in Africa. 

At the meeting, which was held in the morning, Selim 
Bey — who had lately distinguished himself at Duffle by re- 
taking the station from the Mahdists and killing about two 
hundred and fifty of them, it was said — a tall, burly, elderly 
man of fifty or thereabouts, stated, on behalf of the deputa- 
tion and the officers at Wadelai, that they came to ask for 
time to allow the troops and their families to assemble at 
Kavalli's. 

Though they knew what our object in coming to the "Ny- 
anza was — or they ought to have known — I took the occa- 
sion, through the Pasha, who is thoroughly proficient in 
Arabic, to explain it in detail. I wondered at the ready 
manner they approved everything, though since I have dis- 
covered that such is their habit though they may not be- 
lieve a word you utter. I then told them that though I had 
waited nearly a year to obtain a simple answer to the single 
question whether they would stay in Africa or accompany 
us to Egypt, I would give them before they departed a 
promise, written in Arabic, that I would stay a reasonable 
time, sufficient to enable them to embark themselves and 
families, and all such as were willing to leave, on board the 
steamers, and to arrive at the lake shore below our camp. 

The deputation replied that my answer was quite satis- 
factory, and they promised, on their part, that they would 



AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 101 

proceed direct to Wadelai, proclaim to all concerned what 
my answer was, and commence the wprk of transport. 

On the 21st the Pasha and the deputation went down to 
the Nyanza camp on account of a false alarm about the 
Wanyoro advancing to attack the camp. A rifle was stolen 
from the expedition by one of the officers of the deputation. 
This was a bad beginning of our intercourse that was prom- 
ised to be. 

The two steamers Khedive and Nyanza had gone in the 
mean time to Mswa to transport a fresh lot of refugees, and 
returned on the 25th, and the next day the deputation de- 
parted on their mission ; but, before they sailed, they had a 
mail from Wadelai, wherein they were informed that an- 
other change of government had taken place. Selim Bey, 
the highest official under the Pasha, had been deposed, and 
several of the rebel officers had been promoted to the rank 
of Bey. The next day the Pasha returned to our camp, 
with his little daughter Ferida, and a caravan of 144 men. 

To a question of mine the Pasha replied that he thought 
twenty daj^s a sufficiently reasonable time for all practical 
purposes, and he offered to write it down in form. But this 
I declined, as I but wished to know whether my idea of a 
"reasonable time" and his differed; for, after finding what 
time w r as required for a steamer to make a round voyage 
from our old camp on the Nyanza to Wadelai and back, I 
had proposed to myself that a month would be more than 
sufficient for Selim Bey to collect all such people as desired 
to leave for Egypt. The interval devoted to the transport 
of the Egyptians from Wadelai could also be utilized by 
Surgeon Parke in healing our sick. At this time the hard- 
est worked man in the expedition was our surgeon. Ever 
since leaving Fort Bodo, in December, Surgeon Parke at- 
tended over a hundred sick daily. There were all kinds of 
complaints, but the most numerous, and those who gave the 
most trouble, were those who suffered from ulcers. So largely 



102 THE STORY OF EMIN'S EESCUE, 

bad these drained our medicine chests that the surgeon 
had nothing left for their diseases but pure carbolic acid 
and permanganate of potash. Nevertheless, there were some 
wonderful recoveries during the halt of Stairs's column on 
the Ituri River in January. The surgeon's "devotion" — 
there is not a litter word for it — his regular attention to all 
the minor details of his duties, and his undoubted skill, en- 
abled me to turn out 280 able-bodied men by the 1st of 
April, sound in vital organs and limbs, and free from all 
blemish ; whereas on the 1st of February it would have been 
difficult to have mustered 200 men in the ranks fit for serv- 
ice. I do not think I ever met a doctor who so loved his 
" cases." To him they were all " interesting," despite the 
odors emitted and the painfully qualmish scenes. I consider 
this expedition in nothing happier than in the possession 
of an unrivalled physician and surgeon, Dr. F. H. Parke, of 
the A.M.D. 

Meantime, while "our doctor" was assiduously dressing 
and trimming up the ulcerous, ready for the march to Zan- 
zibar, all men fit for duty were doing far more than either 
we or they bargained for. We had promised the Pasha to 
assist his refugees to the Plateau Camp with a few carriers 
— that is, as any ordinary man might understand it, with one 
or two carriers per Egyptian ; but never had people so gross- 
ly deceived themselves as we had. The loads were simply 
endless, and the sight of the rubbish which the refugees 
brought with them, and which was to be carried up that 
plateau slope, up to an altitude of two thousand eight hun- 
dred feet above the Nyanza, made our people groan aloud — 
such things as grinding-stones, ten-gallon copper cooking- 
pots, some two hundred bedsteads, preposterously big bas- 
kets, like FalstafTs buck-basket ; old Saratoga trunks, fit for 
rich American mammas ; old sea-chests, great clumsy-look- 
ing boxes, little cattle-troughs, large twelve-gallon pombe 
jars, parrots, pigeons, etc. These things were pure rubbish 



AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 103 

— for all would have to be discarded at the signal to march. 
Eight hundred and fifty-three loads of these goods were, 
however, brought up with the assistance of the natives, sub- 
ject as they were to be beaten and maltreated by the vile- 
tempered Egyptians, each time the natives went down to 
the Nyanza ; but the Zanzibaris now began to show an ugly 
temper also. They knew just enough Arabic to be aware 
that the obedience, tractability, and ready services they ex- 
hibited were translated by the Egyptians into cowardice and 
slavishness, and after these hundreds of loads had been con- 
veyed they refused point-blank to carry any more, and they 
explained their reasons so well that we warmly sympathized 
with them at heart; but here, by this refusal, they came in 
contact with discipline, and strong measures had to be re- 
sorted to, to coerce them to continue the work until the 
order to "cease" was given. On the 31st March we were 
all heartily tired of it, and we abandoned the interminable 
task. Thirteen hundred and fifty-five loads had been trans- 
ported to the plateau from the Lake Camp. 

Thirty days after Selim Bey's departure for Wadelai a 
steamer appeared before the Nyanza Camp, bringing in a 
letter from that officer, and also one from all the rebel offi- 
cers at Wadelai, who announced themselves as delighted at 
hearing, twelve months after my second appearance at Lake 
Albert, that the "Envoy of oar great Government" had 
arrived, and that they were now all unanimous for departing 
to Egypt under my escort. 

When the Pasha had mastered the contents of his mails 
he came to me to impart the information that Selim Bey 
had caused one steamer full of refugees to be sent up to 
Tunguru from Wadelai, and since that time he had been 
engaged in transporting people from Duffle up to Wadelai. 
According to this rate of progress, it became quite clear 
that it would require three months more, even if this effort 
at work, which was quite heroic in Selim Bey, would con- 



104 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 

tinue, before he could accomplish the transport of the people 
to the Nyanza Camp below the plateau. The Pasha, per- 
sonally elated at what he thought to be good news, desired 
to know what I had determined upon, under the new aspect 
of affairs. 

In reply, I summoned the officers of the expedition to- 
gether — Lieutenant Stairs, R.E., Captain R. H. Nelson, Sur- 
geon T. H. Parke, A.M.D., Mounteney Jephson, Esq., and 
Mr. William Bonny — and proposed to them, in the Pasha's 
presence, that they should listen to a few explanations, and 
then give their decision one by one, according as they should 
be asked. 

Gentlemen, Emin Pasha has received a mail from Wade- 
lai. Selim Bey, who left the post below here on the 26th 
February last, with a promise that he would hurry up such 
people as wished to go to Egypt, writes from Wadelai that 
the steamers are engaged in transporting some people from 
Duffle to Wadelai — that the work of transport between 
Wadelai and Tunguru will be resumed upon the accomplish- 
ment of the other task. When he went away from here we 
were informed that he was deposed, and that Emin Pasha 
and he were sentenced to death by the rebel officers. We 
now learn that the rebel officers, ten in number, and all their 
faction, are desirous of proceeding to Egypt ; we may suppose, 
therefore, that Selim Bey's party is in the ascendent again. 

Shukri Aga, the chief of the Mswa Station — the station 
nearest to us — paid us a visit there in the middle of March. 
He was informed on the 16th of March, the day that he de- 
parted, that our departure for Zanzibar would positively be- 
gin on the 10th April. He took with him urgent letters for 
Selim Bey announcing that fact in unmistakable terms. 

Eight days later we hear that Shukri Aga is still at Mswa, 
having only sent a few women and children to the Nyanza 
Camp, yet he and his people might have been here by this 
if they intended to accompany us. 



AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 105 

Thirty days ago Selim Bey left us with a promise of a 
reasonable time. The Pasha thought once that twenty days 
would be a reasonable time. However, we have extended 
it to forty-four days. Judging by the length of time Se- 
lim Bey has already taken, only reaching Tunguru with one- 
sixteenth of the expected force, I personally am quite pre- 
pared to give the Pasha my decision. For you must know, 
gentlemen, that the Pasha, having heard from Selim Bey 
"intelligence so encouraging," wishes to know my decision, 
but I have preferred to call you to answer for me. 

You are aware that our instructions were to carry relief 
to Emin Pasha, and to escort such as were willing to ac- 
company us to Egypt. We arrived at the Xyanza, and met 
Emin Pasha in the latter part of April, 18S8, just twelve 
months ago. We handed him his letters from the Khedive 
and his Government, and also the first instalment of relief, 
and asked him whether we were to have the pleasure of his 
company to Zanzibar. He replied that his decision depended 
on that of his people. 

This was the first adverse news that we received. In- 
stead of meeting with a number of people only too anxious 
to leave Africa, it was questionable whether there would be 
any except a few Egyptian clerks. With Major Barttelot 
so far distant in the rear, we could not wait at the Nyanza 
for this decision. As that might possibly require months, 
it would be more profitable to seek and assist the rear col- 
umn, and by the time we arrived here again, those willing 
to go to Egypt would be probably impatient to start. We, 
therefore, leaving Mr. Jephson to convey our message to 
the Pasha's troops, returned to the forest region for the rear 
column, and in nine months were back again on the Nyanza. 
But instead of discovering a camp of people anxious and 
ready to depart from Africa, we found no camp at all, but 
hear that both the Pasha and Mr. Jephson are prisoners, 
that the Pasha has been in imminent danger of his life from 



106 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 

the rebels, and at another time is in danger of being bound 
on his bedstead, and taken to the interior of Makkaraka 
country. It has been current talk in the province that we 
were only a party of conspirators and adventurers, that the 
letters of the Khedive and Nubar Pasha were forgeries con- 
cocted by the vile Christians Stanley and Casati, assisted by 
Mohammed Emin Pasha. So elated have the rebels been 
by their bloodless victory over the Pasha and Mr. Jephson 
that they have confidently boasted of their purpose to en- 
trap me by cajoling words, and strip our expedition of every 
article belonging to it, and send us adrift into the wilds to 
perish. We need not dwell on the ingratitude of these 
men, or on their intense ignorance and evil natures, but 
you must bear in mind the facts to guide you to a clear 
decision. 

We believed when we volunteered for this work that we 
should be met with open arms. We were received with 
indifference, until we were led to doubt whether any people 
wished to depart. My representative was made a prisoner, 
menaced with rifles; threats were freely used. The Pasha 
was deposed, and for three months was a close prisoner. I 
am told this is the third revolt in the province. Well, 
in the face of all this, we have waited nearly twelve months 
to obtain the few hundreds of unarmed men, women, and 
children in this camp. As I promised Selim Bey and his 
officers that I would give a reasonable time, Selim Bey and 
his officers repeatedly promised to us there should be no 
delay. The Pasha has already fixed April 10th, which ex- 
tended their time to forty -four days, sufficient for three 
round voyages for each steamer. The news brought to-day 
is not that Selim Bey is close here, but that he has not 
started from Wadelai yet. 

In addition to his own friends, who are said to be loyal 
and obedient to him, he brings the ten rebel officers, and 
some six hundred or seven hundred soldiers, their faction. 



AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEYS LETTERS. 107 

Remembering the three revolts which these same officers 
have inspired, their pronounced intentions against this expe- 
dition, their plots and counterplots, the life of conspiracy and 
smiling treachery they have led, we may well pause to con- 
sider what object principally animates them now — that from 
being ungovernably rebellious against all constituted author- 
ity they have suddenly become obedient and loyal soldiers 
of the Khedive and his "great Government." You must be 
aware that, exclusive of the thirty-one boxes of ammunition 
delivered to the Pasha by us in May, 1888, the rebels pos- 
sess ammunition of the Provincial Government equal to 
twenty of our cases. We are bound to credit them with 
intelligence enough to perceive that such a small supply 
would be fired in an hour's fighting among so many rifles, 
and that only a show of submission and apparent loyalty 
will insure a further supply from us. Though the Pasha 
brightens up each time he obtains a plausible letter from 
these people, strangers like we are may also be forgiven for 
not readily trusting those men whom they have such good 
cause to mistrust. Could we have some guarantee of good 
faith there could be no objection to delivering to them all 
they required ; that is, with the permission of the Pasha. 
Can we be certain, however, that if we admit them into this 
camp as good friends and loyal soldiers of Egypt, they will 
not rise up some night and possess themselves of all the 
ammunition, and so deprive us of the power of returning to 
Zanzibar ? It would be a very easy matter for them to do 
so after they had acquired the knowledge of the rules of the 
camp. With our minds filled with Mr. Jephson's extraor- 
dinary revelations of what has been going on in the prov- 
ince since the closing of the Kile route, beholding the Pasha 
here before my very eyes — who was lately supposed to have 
several thousands of people under him, but now without 
any important following — and bearing in mind " the cajol- 
ings" and " wiles" by which we were to be entrapped, I ask 



108 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 

you would we be wise in extending the time of delay be- 
yond the date fixed — that is, the 10th of April? 

The officers, one after another, replied in the negative. 

"There, Pasha," I said, "you have your answer. We 
march on the 10th of April." 

The Pasha then asked if we could " in our consciences 
acquit him of having abandoned his people," supposing they 
had not arrived by the 10th of April. We replied, " Most 
certainly." 

Three or four days after this I was informed by the 
Pasha — who pays great deference to Captain Casati's views 
— that Captain Casati was by no means certain that he was 
doing quite right in abandoning his people. According to 
the Pasha's desire, I went over to see Captain Casati, fol- 
lowed soon after by Etnin Pasha. 

Questions of law, honor, duty, were brought forward by 
Casati, who expressed himself clearly that " moralement" 
Em in Pasha was bound to stay by his people. I quote these 
matters simply to show to you that our principal difficulties 
lay not only with the Soudanese and Egyptians ; we had 
some with the Europeans also, who, for some reason or an- 
other, seemed in nowise inclined to quit Africa, even when 
it was quite clear that the Pasha of the province had few 
loyal men to rely on, that the outlook before them was im- 
minent danger and death, and that on our retirement there 
was no other prospect than the grave. I had to refute these 
morbid ideas with the A B C of common-sense. I had to 
illustrate the obligations of Emin Pasha to his soldiers by 
comparing them to a mutual contract between two parties. 
One party refused to abide by its stipulations, and would 
have no communication with the other, but proposed to itself 
to put the second party to death. Could that be called a 
contract? Emin Pasha was appointed Governor of the 
province. He had remained faithful to his post and duties 
until his own people rejected him, and finally deposed him. 



AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 109 

He had been informed by his Government that if he and his 
officers and soldiers elected to quit the province, they could 
avail themselves of the escort of the expedition which had 
been sent to their assistance, or stay in Africa on their own 
responsibility; that the Government had abandoned the 
province altogether. But when the Pasha informs his people 
of the Government's wishes, the officers and soldiers declare 
the whole to be false, and decline to depart with him, will 
listen to no suggestion of departing, but lay hands on him, 
menace him with death, and for three months detain him a 
close prisoner. Where was the dishonor to the Pasha in 
yielding to what was inevitable and indisputable? As for 
duty, the Pasha had a dual duty to perform — that to the 
Khedive as his chief, and that to his soldiers. So long as 
neither duty clashed, affairs proceeded smoothly enough ; but 
the instant it was hinted to the soldiers that they might retire 
now if they wished, they broke out into open violence and 
revolted, absolved the Pasha of all duty towards them, and 
denied that he had any duty to perform to them ; conse- 
quently the Pasha could not be morally bound to care in the 
least for people who would not listen to him. 

I do not think Casati was convinced, nor do I think the 
Pasha was convinced. But it is strange what strong hold 
this part of Africa has upon the affections of European offi- 
cers, Egyptian officers, and Soudanese soldiers! 

The next day after this, Emin Pasha informed me that he 
was certain all the Egyptians in the camp would leave with 
him on the day named ; but from other quarters reports 
reached me that not one-quarter of them would leave the 
camp at Kavalli's. The abundance of food, the quiet de- 
meanor of the natives, with whom we were living in perfect 
concord, seemed to them to be sufficient reasons for prefer- 
ring life near the Nyanza to the difficulties of the march. 
Besides, the Mahdists, whom they dreaded, were far away, 
and could not possibly reach them. 



110 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 

On the 5th of April, Sercen, the Pasha's servant, told me 
that not many of the Pasha's servants intended to follow him 
on the 10th. The Pasha himself confirmed this. Here was 
a disappointment indeed ! Out of the ten thousand people, 
there were finally comparatively very few willing to follow 
him to Egypt. To all of us on the expedition it had been 
clear from the beginning that it was all a farce on the part 
of the Wadelai force. It was clear that the Pasha had lost 
his hold over the people — neither officers, soldiers, nor serv- 
ants were ready to follow him ; but we could not refute the 
Pasha's arguments, nor could we deny that he had reason 
for his stout, unwavering faith in them, when he would reply, 
" I know my people ; for fifteen years I have been with 
them, and I believe that when I leave all will follow me." 
When the rebels' letters came announcing their intention to 
follow their Governor, he exclaimed, " You see ! I told you 
so !" 

But now the Pasha said: "Never mind, I am something of 
a traveller myself. I can do with two servants quite as well 
as with fifty." 

I did not think I should be drawn into this matter at all, 
having formed my own plans some time before ; but it in- 
tensified my feelings greatly when I was told that, after 
waiting forty-four days, building their camps for them, and 
carrying nearly fourteen hundred loads for them up that 
high plateau wall, only a few out of the entire number 
would follow us. But on the day after I was informed that 
there had been an alarm in my camp the night before ; the 
Zanzibari quarters had been entered by the Pasha's people, 
and an attempt made to abstract the rifles. This it was 
which urged me to immediate action. 

I knew there had been conspiracies in the camp, that the 
malcontents were increasing, that we had many rebels at 
heart among us, that the people dreaded the march more 
than they feared the natives ; but I scarcely believed that 



AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. Ill 

they would dare put into practice their disloyal ideas in my 
camp. 

I proceeded to the Pasha to consult with him, but the 
Pasha would consent to no proposition — not but what they 
appeared necessary and good, but he could not, owing to 
the want of time, etc. Yet the Pasha the evening before 
had received a post from Wadelai which brought him terri- 
ble tales of disorder, distress, and helplessness among Selim 
Bey and his faction, and the rebels and their adherents. 

I accordingly informed him that I proposed to act imme- 
diately, and would ascertain for myself what this hidden 
danger in the camp was, and, as a first step, I would be 
obliged if the Pasha would signal for general muster of the 
principal Egyptians in the square of the camp. 

The summons being sounded, and not attended to quickly 
enough to satisfy me, half a company of Zanzibaris were de- 
tailed to take sticks and rout every one from their huts. 
Dismayed by these energetic measures, they poured into the 
square, which was surrounded by rifles. 

On being questioned, they denied all knowledge of any 
plot to steal the rifles from us, or to fight, or to withstand in 
any manner any order. It was then proposed that those 
who desired to accompany us to Zanzibar should step on one 
side. They all hastened to one side except two of the 
Pasha's servants. The rest of the Pasha's people, having 
paid no attention to the summons, were secured in their huts, 
and brought to the camp square, where some were flogged, 
and others ironed and put under guard. 

" Now, Pasha," I said, "will you be good enough to tell 
these Arabs that these rebellious tricks of Wadelai and 
Duffle must cease here, for at the first move made by them 
I shall be obliged to exterminate them utterly." 

On the Pasha translating, the Arabs bowed, and vowed 
that they would obey their father religiously. 

At the muster this curious result was returned : There 



112 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 

were with us 134 men, 84 married women, 187 female do- 
mestics, 74 children above two years, and 35 infants in arms ; 
total, 514. 

I have reason to believe that the number was nearer 600, 
as many were not reported, from a fear, probably, that some 
would be taken prisoners. 

On the 10th of April we set out from Kavalli's in num- 
ber about 1500, for 350 native carriers had been enrolled 
from the district to assist in carrying the baggage of the 
Pasha's people, whose ideas as to what was essential for the 
march were very crude. On the 12th we camped at Mazarn- 
boni's; but in the night I was struck down with a severe 
illness, which wellnigh proved mortal. It detained us at 
the camp twenty-eight days, which, if Selim Bey and his 
party were really serious in their intention to withdraw from 
Africa, was most fortunate for them, since it increased their 
time allowance to sevent} T -twodays. But in all this interval 
only Shukri Aga, the chief at Mswa Station, appeared. He 
had started with twelve soldiers, but one by one disap- 
peared, until he had only his trumpeter and one servant. 
A few days after, the trumpeter absconded. Thus only one 
servant was left out of a garrison of sixty men, who were 
reported to be the faithfulest of the faithful. 

During my illness another conspiracy, or rather several 
conspiracies were afloat, but only one was attempted to be 
realized, and the ringleader of that one, a slave of Awash Ef- 
fendi's, whom I had made free at Kavalli's, was arrested, and 
after court-martial, which found him guilty, was immediately 
executed. 

Thus, I have very briefly summarized the events attending 
the withdrawal of the Pasha and his Egyptians from the 
neighborhood of the Albert Nyanza. I ought to mention, 
however, that through some error of the native couriers em- 
ployed by the Egyptians with us, a packet of letters was in- 
tercepted, which threw a new light upon the character of the 



AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 113 

people whom we were to escort to the sea-coast at Zanzibar. 
In a letter written by Ibrahim Effendi Elham, an Egyptian 
captain, to Selim Bey, at Wadelai, were found: "I beseech 
you to hurry up your soldiers. If you send only fifty at 
once, we can manage to delay the march easily enough, and 
if you can come with your people soon after, we may obtain 
all we need." Ibrahim Effendi Elham was in our camp, and 
we may imagine that he only wrote what was determined 
upon by himself and fellow-officers, should Selim Bey arrive 
in time to assist them in carrying out the plot. 

On May 8th the march was resumed ; but in the evening 
the last communication from Selim Bey was received. It 
began in a very insolent style, such as " What do you mean 
by making the Egyptian officers carry loads on their heads 
and shoulders ? What do you mean by making the soldiers 
beasts of burden ? What do you mean by — ," etc. — all of 
which were purely mythical charges. The letter ended by 
abject entreaties that we should extend the time a little 
more, with protestations that if we did not listen to their 
prayers they were doomed, as they had but little ammuni- 
tion left, and then concluding with the most important in- 
telligence of all, proving our judgment of the whole number 
to be sound. The letter announced that the ten rebel offi- 
cers and their adherents had one night broken into the store- 
houses at Wadelai, had possessed themselves of all the reserve 
ammunition and other stores, and had departed for Mal- 
karaka, leaving their dupe, Selim Bey, to be at last sensible 
that he had been an egregious fool, and that he had dis- 
obeyed the Pasha's orders and disregarded his urgent en- 
treaties for the sake of ingrates like those who had thrust 
him into a deep pit, out of which there was no rescue, unless 
we, of course, should wait for him. 

A reply was sent to him for the last time that if he were 
serious in wishing to accompany us we should proceed for- 
ward at a slow rate, halting twenty-four days on the route, 
8 



114 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 

by which he would easily overtake us with his 200 soldiers. 
This was the last we heard of him. 

The route I had adopted was one which skirted the Ba- 
legga Mountains at a distance of forty miles or thereabouts 
from the Eyanza. The first day was a fairish path, but the 
three following days tried our Egyptians sorely, because of 
the ups and downs and the breaks of cone-grass. On arriv- 
ing- at the southern end of these mountains we were made 
aware that our march was not to be uninterrupted, for the 
King of Unyoro had made a bold push, and had annexed a 
respectable extent of country on the left side of the Semliki 
River, which embraced all the open grass-land between the 
Semliki River and the forest region. Thus, without making 
an immense detour through the forest, which would have 
been fatal to most of the Egyptians, we had no option but to 
press on, despite Kabba Rega and his Warasura. This latter 
name is given to the Wanyoro by all natives who have come 
in contact with them. 

The first day's encounter was decidedly in our favor, and 
the effect of it cleared the territory as far as the Semliki 
River free of the Warasura. 

Meantime we had become aware that we were on the 
threshold of a region which promised to be very interesting, 
for daily, as we advanced to the southward, the great snowy 
range which had so suddenly arrested our attention and ex- 
cited our intense interest (on May 1, 1888) grew larger and 
bolder into view. It extended a long distance to the south- 
west, which would inevitably take us some distance off our 
course unless a pass could be discovered to shorten the dis- 
tance to the countries south. At Buhobo, where we had 
the skirmish with Kabba Rega's raiders, we stood on the 
summit of the hilly range which bounds the Semliki Val- 
ley on its north-west and south-west sides. On the opposite 
side rose Ruwenzori, the Snow Mountain, and its enormous 
eastern flank, which dipped down gradually until it fell into 



AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 115 

the level, and was seemingly joined with the table-land of 
Unyoro. The humpy western flank dipped down suddenly, 
as it seemed to us, into lands that we knew not by name as 
yet. Between these opposing barriers spread the Semliki 
Valley — so like a lake at its eastern extremity that one of 
our officers exclaimed that it was the lake, and the female 
followers of the Egyptians set up a shrill " Lululus" on see- 
ing their own lake, the Albert Nyanza, again. With the 
naked eye it did appear like the lake, but a field-glass re- 
vealed that it was a level grassy plain, white with the ripe- 
ness of its grass. Those who have read Sir Samuel Baker's 
" Albert N yanza " will remember the passage wherein he 
states that to the south-west the JSTyanza stretches "inimita- 
bly." He might well be in error at such a distance, when 
our own people, with the plain scarcely four miles away, 
mistook the plain for the Nyanza. As the plain recedes 
south - westerly the bushes become thicker ; finally acacias 
appear in their forests, and, be} 7 ond these again, the dead 
black thickness of an impenetrable tropical forest ; but the 
plain, as far as the eye could command, continued to lie ten 
to twelve miles wide between these mountain barriers, and 
through the centre of it — sometimes inclining towards the 
south-east mountains, sometimes to the south-western range. 
The Semliki Kiver pours its waters towards the Albert Ny- 
anza. 

In two marches from Buhobo we stood upon its banks, 
and, alas for Mason Bey and Gessi Pasha! had they but 
halted their steamers for half an hour to examine this river, 
they would have seen sufficient to excite much geographi- 
cal interest ; for the river is a powerful stream from eighty 
to one hundred yards wide, averaging nine feet depth from 
side to side, and having a current from three and a half to 
four knots per hour, in size about equal to two-thirds of the 
Victoria Nile. t 

As we were crossing this river the Warasura attacked us 



116 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 

from the rear with a well-directed volley, but, fortunately, 
the distance was too great. They were chased for some 
miles; but, fleet as greyhounds, they fled, so there were no 
casualties to report on either side. 

We entered the Awamba country on the eastern shore of 
the Semliki, and our marches for several days afterwards 
were through plantain plantations, which flourished in the 
clearings made in this truly African forest. Finally, we 
struck the open again immediately under Ruwenzori itself. 
Much, however, as we had flattered ourselves that we should 
see some marvellous scenery, the Snow Mountain was very 
coy, and hard to see. On most days it loomed impending 
over us like a tropical storm-cloud, ready to dissolve in rain 
and ruin on us. Near sunset a peak or two here, a crest 
there, a ridge beyond, white with snow, shot into view — 
jagged clouds whirling and eddying round them, and then 
the darkness of night. Often at sunrise, too, Ruwenzori 
would appear fresh, clean, brightly pure ; profound blue 
voids above and around it ; every line and dent, knoll and 
turret-like crag deeply marked and clearly visible. But 
presently all would be buried under mass upon mass of mist, 
until the immense mountain was no more visible than if we 
were thousands of miles away. And then, also, the Snow 
Mountain being set deeply in the range, the nearer we ap- 
proached the base of the range the less we saw of it, for 
higher ridges obtruded themselves and barred the view. 
Still, we have obtained three remarkable views — one from 
the Eyanza Plain, another from Kavalli, and a third from 
the South Point. 

In altitude above the sea I should estimate it to be be- 
tween 1S,000 and 19,000 feet. We cannot trust our trian- 
gulations, for the angles are too small. When we were in 
positions to ascertain it correctly, the inconstant mountain 
gathered his cloud} 7 blankets around him and hid himself 
from view ; but a clear view, from the loftiest summit down 



AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEYS LETTERS. 117 

to the lowest reach of snow, obtained from a place called 
Karimi, makes me confident that the height is between the 
figures stated above. 

It took us nineteen marches to reach the south-west angle 
of the range, the Semliki Valley being below us on our right, 
and which, if the tedious mist had permitted, would have 
been exposed in every detail. That part of the valley trav- 
ersed by us is generally known under the name of Awamba, 
while the habitable portion of the range is principally de- 
nominated Ukonju. The huts of these natives, the Bakonju, 
are seen as high as 8000 feet above the sea. 

Almost all our officers had at one time a keen desire to 
distinguish themselves as the climbers of these African Alps, 
but, unfortunately, they were in a very unfit state for such 
a work. The Pasha only managed to get 1000 feet higher 
than our camp, but Lieutenant Stairs reached the height of 
10,677 feet above the sea, but had the mortification to find 
two deep gulfs between him and the Snowy Mount proper. 
He brought, however, a good collection of plants, among 
which were giant heather, blackberries, and bilberries. The 
Pasha was in his element among these plants, and has classi- 
fied them. 

The first day we had disentangled ourselves of the forest 
proper, and its outskirts of straggling bush, we looked down 
from the grassy shelf below Ruwenzori range and saw a 
grassy plain, level seemingly as a bowling-green, the very 
duplicate of that which is seen at the extremity of the Albert 
Nyanza — extending southerly from the forest of the Semliki 
Valley. We then knew that we were not far from the 
Southern Lake discovered by me in 1877. 

Under guidance of the Wakonju I sent Lieutenant Stairs 
to examine the river, said to flow from the Southern Nyanza. 
He returned next day, reporting it to be the Semliki River, 
narrowed down to a stream forty-two yards wide and about 
ten feet deep, flowing, as the canoe-men on its banks said, to 



118 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 

the Eyanza Utuku, or Nyanza of Unyoro — the Albert Ny- 
anza. Besides native reports, he had other corroborative 
evidence to prove it to be the Semliki. 

On the second march from the confines of Awavela we 
entered Usongora — a grassy region as opposite in appearance 
from the perpetual spring of Ukonju as a droughty land 
could well be. This country bounds the Southern Nyanza 
on its northern and north-western side. 

Three days later, while driving the Warasura before us, 
or, rather, as they were self-driven by their own fears, we 
entered, soon after its evacuation, the important town of 
Kative, the headquarters of the raiders. It is situated be- 
tween an arm of the Southern Nyanza and a salt-lake about 
two miles long and three-quarters of a mile wide, which con- 
sists of pure brine of a pinky color, and deposits salt in solid 
cakes of salt-crystals. This was the property of the Wason- 
gora, but the value of its possession has attracted the cupid- 
ity of Kabba Eega, who reaps a considerable revenue from 
it. Toro, Ankori, Mpororo, Ruanda, Ukonju, and many other 
countries demand the salt for consumption, and the fortu- 
nate possessor of this inexhaustible treasure of salt reaps all 
that is desirable of property in Africa in exchange, with no 
more trouble than the defence of it. 

Our road from Kative lay east and north-east, to round the 
bay-like extension of the Nyanza lying between Usongora 
and Unyampaka, and it happened to be the same taken by 
the main body of the Warasura in their hasty retreat from 
the salt-lake. On entering Uhaiyana, which is to the south 
of Toro, and in the uplands, we had passed the northern head 
of the Nyanza, or Beatrice Gulf, and the route to the south 
was open — not, however, without another encounter with the 
Warasura. 

A few days later we entered Unyampaka, which I had 
visited in January, 1876. Ringi, the king, declined to enter 
into the cause of Unyoro, and allowed us to feed on his ba- 



AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 119 

lianas unquestioned. After following the lake shore until it 
turned too far to the south-west, we struck for the lofty up- 
lands of Aukori, by the natives of which we were well re- 
ceived, preceded, as we had been, by the reports of our good 
deeds in relieving the salt-lake of the presence of the uni- 
versally obnoxious Warasura. 

If you draw a straight line from the Nyanza to the Uzinja 
shores of the Victoria Lake, it would represent pretty fairly 
our course through Ankori, Karagwe, and Uhaiya to Uzinja. 
Ankori was open to us, because we had driven the Wanyoro 
from the salt-lake. The story was an open sesame. There 
also existed a wholesome fear of an expedition which had 
done that which all the power of Ankori could not have 
done. Karagwe was open to us, because free-trade is the 
policy of the Wanyambu, and because the Waganda were 
too much engrossed with their civil war to interfere with 
our passage. Uhaiya admitted our entrance without cavil 
out of respect to our numbers, and because we were well in- 
troduced by the Wanyambu, and the Wakwiya guided us in 
like manner to be welcomed by the Wazinja. Nothing hap- 
pened during the long journey from the Albert Lake to 
cause us any regret that we had taken this straight course, 
but we have suffered from an unprecedented number of 
fevers. We have had as many as 150 cases in one day. 
Ankori is so beswept with cold winds that the expedition 
wilted under them. Seasoned veterans like the Pasha and 
Captain Casati were prostrated time after time, and both were 
reduced to excessive weakness like ourselves. Our blacks, 
regardless of their tribes, tumbled headlong into the long 
grass to sleep their fever fits off. Some, after a short illness, 
died. The daily fatigues of the march, an ulcer, a fit of 
fever, a touch of bowel complaint, caused the Egyptians to 
hide in any cover along the route ; and, being unperceived 
by the rear-guard of the expedition, were left to the doubt- 
ful treatment of natives with whose language they were 



120 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 

utterly ignorant. In the month of July we lost 141 of their 
number in this manner. 

Out of respect to the first British prince who has shown 
an interest in African geography, we have named the south- 
ern Nyanza — to distinguish it from the other two Nyanzas 
— the Albert Edward Nyanza. It is not a very large lake. 
Compared to the Yictoria, the Tanganyika, and the Nyassa, 
it is small, but its importance and interest lie in the sole 
fact that it is the receiver of all the streams at the extremity 
of the south-western or left Nile basins, and discharges these 
waters by one river, the Semliki, into the Albert Nyanza, 
in like manner as Lake Yictoria receives all streams from 
the extremity of the south-eastern or right Nile basin, and 
pours these waters by the Yictoria Nile into the Albert 
Nyanza. 

These two Niles, amalgamating in Lake Albert, leave this 

under the well-known name of White Nile. 

Your obedient servant, 

Henry M. Stanley. 
William Mackinnon, Esq., etc. 



LETTEE X. 

VARIOUS INCIDENTS OF THE EXPEDITION ; DISCOVERY AFTER 

DISCOVERY. 

[The following letter is addressed to Mr. Edward Marston, 
Mr. Stanley's friend and publisher.] 

C. M. S. Station, South End Victoria Nyanza, 
September 3, 1889. 

My dear Marston, — It just now appears such an age to 
me since I left England. Ages have gone by since I saw 
you, surely. Do you know why ? Because a daily-thicken- 
ing barrier of silence has crept between that time and this ; 



AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 121 

silence so dense that in vain we yearn to pierce it. On my 
side, I may ask, What have you been doing? On yours 
you may ask, And what have you been doing ? I can assure 
myself, now that I know you live, that few days have passed 
without the special task of an enterprising publisher being 
performed as wisely and well as possible, and for the time 
being you can believe me that one day has followed the 
other in striving strifefully against all manner of obstacles, 
natural and otherwise, from the day I left Yambuya to 
August 28, 1889, the day I arrived here. The bare cata- 
logue of incidents would fill several quires of foolscap; cat- 
alogue of skirmishes would be of respectable length ; cata- 
logue of adventures, accidents, mortalities, sufferings from 
fever, morbid musings over mischances that meet us daily, 
would make a formidable list. 

You know that all the stretch of country between Yam- 
buya to this place was an absolutely new country except 
what may be measured by five ordinary marches. First, 
there is that dead white of the map now changed to a dead 
black — I mean that darkest region of the earth confined be- 
tween E. long. 25° and E. long. 29° 45', one great, compact, 
remorselessly sullen forest, the growth of an untold number 
of ages, swarming at stated intervals with immense numbers 
of vicious man-eating savages and crafty undersized men, 
who were unceasing in their annoyance. Then there is that 
belt of grass-land lying between it and the Albert Nyanza, 
whose people contested every mile of advance with spirit, 
and made us think that they were guardians of some price- 
less treasure hidden on the JSTyanza shores, or at war with 
Emin Pasha and his thousands. A Sir Perceval in search 
of the Holy Grail could not have met with hotter opposition. 
Three separate times necessity compelled us to traverse this 
unholy region, with varying fortunes. Incidents often crowd- 
ed fast. Emin Pasha was a prisoner, an officer of ours was 
his forced companion, and it really appeared as though we 



122 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 

were to be added to the list ; but there is a virtue, you 
know, even in striving unyieldingly in hardening the nerve 
and facing these ever-clinging mischances, without paying 
too much heed to the reputed danger. One is assisted much 
by knowing that there is no other course, and the danger 
somehow, nine times out of ten, diminishes. 

The rebels of Emin Pasha's Government relied on their 
craft and the wiles of the heathen Chinee, and it is rather 
amusing now to look back and note how punishment has 
fallen on them. Was it Providence or luck ? Let those 
who love to analyze such matters reflect on it. Traitors 
without the camp and traitors within were watched, and 
the most active conspirator was discovered, tried, and hanged; 
the traitors without fell afoul of one another, and ruined 
themselves. If not luck, then it is surely Providence, in 
answer to good men's prayers far away. 

Our own people, tempted by extreme wretchedness and 
misery, sold our rifles and ammunition to our natural en- 
emies, the Manyuema slave-traders' true friends, without 
the least grace in either their bodies or souls. What happy 
influence was it that restrained me from destroying all those 
concerned in it? Each time I read the story of Captain 
Nelson's and Surgeon Parke's sufferings I feel vexed at my 
forbearance; and yet, again, I feel thankful, for a Higher 
Power than man's severely afflicted the cold-blooded mur- 
derers by causing them to feed upon one another a few 
weeks after the rescue and relief of Nelson and Parke. The 
memory of those days alternately hardens and unmans me. 

With the rescue of the Pasha, poor old Casati, and those 
who preferred Egypt's flesh pots to the coarse plenty of the 
province near the Nyanza, we returned ; and while we were 
patiently waiting, the doom of the rebels was consum- 
mated. 

Since that time of anxiety and unhappy outlook I have 
been at the point of death from a dreadful illness ; the strain 



AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 123 

had been too much, and for twenty-eight days I lay help- 
less, tended by the kindly and skilful hand of Surgeon 
Parke. 

Then, little by little, I gathered strength, and ordered the 
march for home. Discovery after discovery in the wonder- 
ful region was made — the snowy range of Ruevenzoni, the 
"Cloud King" or " Rain Creator," the Semliki River, the 
Albert Edward Nyanza, the plains of Usongora, the salt 
lakes of Kative, the new peoples, Wakonju of the Great 
Mountains, the dwellers of the rich forest region, the Aw- 
amba, the fine-featured Wasongora, the Wanyoro bandits, 
and then the Lake Albert Edward tribe and the shepherd 
race of the eastern uplands — the Wanyankori, besides the 
Wanya-ruwamba and the Wazinja — until at last we came to 
a church whose cross dominated a Christian settlement, and 
we knew that we had reached the outskirts of blessed civili- 
zation. 

We have every reason to be grateful ; and may that feel- 
ing be ever kept within me. Our promises as volunteers 
have been performed as well as though we had been special- 
ly commissioned by a government. We have been all •vol- 
unteers, each devoting his several gifts, abilities, and ener- 
gies to win a successful issue for the enterprise. If there 
has been anything that clouded sometimes our thoughts, 
it has been that we were compelled by the state of Emm 
Pasha and his own people to cause anxieties to our friends 
by tedious delay, and every opportunity I have endeavored 
to lessen these by despatching full accounts of our progress 
to the Committee, that through them all interested might 
be acquainted with what we had been doing. Some of my 
officers also have been troubled in thought that their gov- 
ernment might not overlook their having overstayed their 
leave; but the truth is, the wealth of the British Treasury 
could not have hastened our march without making our- 
selves liable to impeachment for breach of faith, and the 



124 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 

officers were as much involved as myself in doing the thing 
honorably and well. 

I hear there is great trouble, war, etc., between the Ger- 
mans and Arabs of Zanzibar. What influence this may have 
on our fortunes I do not know, but we trust nothing to inter- 
rupt the march to the sea, which will be begun in a few days. 

Meantime, with such wishes as the best and most insep- 
arable friends endow one another, I pray your partners, Mr. 
Searle, Mr. Rivington, and young Mr. Marston, to accept, and 
you to believe me, Always yours sincerely, 

Henry M. Stanley. 
To Edward Marston, Esq. 



LETTER XL 

FROM MR. JEPHSON TO MR. STANLEY. LETTER FROM THE 

MAHDi's GENERAL TO EMIN. — LETTERS FROM LUPTON BEY 
TO EMIN. 

Dear Sir, — The following letter is a translation of a copy 
of the original letter sent by the hand of three Peacock der- 
vishes from Omar Saleh, General of the Mahdi's forces, to 
Emin Pasha. The letter arrived on October 17, 1888, when 
the Pasha and I were prisoners at Duffle, and was inter- 
cepted and opened by the rebel officers, who, after torturing 
the Mahdi's three envoys to get information from them, had 
them beaten to death with clubs. I am indebted to Osman 
Effendi Latif, Yakeel of the province, for the copy of this 
letter. His sou entered the rebels' divan at great risk, 
secretly at night, and copied the letter for me. The trans- 
lation of the letter was made by Emin Pasha. The original 
letter was destroyed, together with the Government books 
and papers, in the burning of Duffle. 

I am, yours faithfully, 

A. J. MOUNTENEY JePHSON. 

H. M. Stanley, Esq., commanding Expedition. 



AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 125 

From the servant of God, Omar Salek, officer of the Mah- 
di, to whom we give reverential greetings, appointed for 
conducting affairs in the Province of Hatalastiva, to 
The Honored Mahomed Emin, Mutfir of Hatalastiva. 

May God lead him in the paths of His gifts. Amen. 

After greeting you, I would remind you that the world is 
a house of change and decay, and everything in it must one 
day perish ; nothing in it is of value to a true servant of God 
except that which is for his good in his future life. If God 
wishes to be kind to His servant, He humbles him and blesses 
all he does, and God is the blessing in everything, and no 
word nor action proceeds from Him which does not show 
His infinite compassion. God is the Master of all His creat- 
ures ; in His hands are the keys of all things ; there is noth- 
ing beyond His power in the heavens or in the earth. He 
sees all things within and without, and all things good and 
evil are in His hands. The King gives His gifts to whom- 
soever He pleases, He says "Be," and it is so. 

As you are intelligent and understand good advice, we 
think of you with all kindness, for we have heard of you 
from many of your friends, who have told us of your life 
and of your work. • Among them our friend Osman Erlab, 
your messenger, w T ho has come with us, and from others. As 
we have heard you are kind to your people and that you 
love justice, we have decided to tell you of our doings and 
of our position, because there are many people adverse to us, 
and they do not speak the truth about our affairs, and per- 
haps they deny the truth. We belong to God's army and 
follow His Word only; with our army is the victory, and we 
follow the Imam Mahomed el Mahdi, the son of Abdullah — 
before whom we bow — the Khalifa and Prophet of God — to 
whom we offer our greetings, and of whom the Master of 
All has said, "And in these days there shall be raised from 
my seat a man who shall fill the earth with justice and light 
as it was filled before with injustice and darkness." We 



126 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 

have now come by his order, and there is no possible result 
but what is good from his commands in this changeful 
world. We have given ourselves, our children, and posses- 
sions to him as an offering to God and He has accepted them 
from us. He has brought his true believers their souls and 
possessions with His Word and Paradise belongs to them. If 
they are killed, they are killed as an offering to God, and if 
they kill, they kill in His cause, as it is written in the Old 
Testament and in the Koran. Whoever fulfils his duty 
towards God is by His blessing bought by Him, as he also 
buys him, and He is Master of the world. 

In the month of Ramadan, 1298, God revealed the expect- 
ed Mahdi, and made him sit on His footstool, and girded him 
with the sword of victory. He told him that whoever was 
his enemy was unfaithful to God and His Prophet, and 
should suffer in this world and in the next, and his children 
and goods should become the prey of the true Moslems, and 
he (the Mahdi) should be victorious over all his foes, though 
they were as numberless as the sand of the desert ; and who- 
ever should disobey him should be punished by God. And 
God showed him His angels and saints from the time of 
Adam till this day, and all the spirits and devils. He has 
before him an army — its chief is Israel — to whom our 
greetings ; and He ever goes before the victorious army a 
distance of forty miles. Besides this, God revealed to him 
many miracles. It was impossible to count them, but they 
were as clear as the sun at mid-day, whose light is seen by 
all. And the people flocked to him by the orders of God 
and His Prophet. 

He commanded the people to collect and assist him against 
his foes from all parts of the country, and he wrote to the 
Governor-general at Khartoum and to all the governors in 
the Soudan, and his orders were fulfilled. He wrote to ev- 
ery king, especially to the Sultan of Stamboul, Abdul Hamid, 
to Mahomed Tewfik, Yali of Egypt, and to Victoria, Queen 



AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 127 

of Britannia, because she was in alliance with the Egyptian 
Government. Then the people came from every side and 
submitted to his rule, and told them they submitted to God 
and His Prophet and to him, for there is only one God and 
He is supreme, and they promised they would abstain from 
all evil, and that they would neither steal nor commit adul- 
tery, nor do anything which was forbidden by God. They 
would give up the world and strive only for God's Word 
and make war for their Holy Belief forever. 

And we have found him, the Mahdi, more compassionate 
to us than a pitying mother ; he lives with the great, but has 
pity for the poor; he collects people of honor around him 
and houses the generous ; he speaks only the truth and 
brings people to God, and relieves them in this world, and 
shows them the path to the next. He reigns over us accord- 
ing to God's word, and conforms to the words of the priests. 
And all religions and the Moslems have become brothers and 
help one another for good, and have become slaves of the 
Prophet, who said, "All men are equal before God." He 
was told by God that his time had come, and that his friends 
were God's friends, and the people believed in him, as did 
Abd el Kader el Geli, who believed in him and in his mis- 
sion, and said, "Who follows him goes to eternal blessing, 
and who denies him denies God and His Prophet." But 
the whole of the Turks in the Soudan who saw the won- 
ders and forewarnings which happened at this time and did 
not believe, have been destroyed by God, and have been 
killed one after another. 

The first army which fought against the Mahdi had for 
its chief Abu Soud Bey, who came with a steamer at the 
time when the Mahdi was at Abba; but though he was hard 
pressed, God killed all his enemies. Then the Prophet or- 
dered him to Gedir, and he went, but he was followed by 
Raschid Imam Mudir of Pashodo and many people with 
him. Then followed Yuseph Pasha el Shilali, Mahomed 



128 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 

Bey Sulieman el Shaiki, and Abdullah Wadi Defallah, one 
of the Kordofan merchants, and with them another army of 
great strength, and God killed them all. Then came the 
army of Hicks, a renowned man, and with him Al-ed-din 
Pasha, Governor-general of the Soudan, and many officers, 
and with them a very large army composed of the people of 
different countries — no one but God knows their number — 
and many Krupp guns, and they were all killed in less than 
an hour, and their strongholds were taken right up to Khar- 
toum, the residence of the Governor-general, a very strong 
place between the two rivers. 

In Khartoum were killed Gordon Pasha, the Governor, 
and with him the Consuls, Hansal and Nichola Leontides, the 
Greek, and Azor the Copt, and many others of the Chris- 
tians, and many or the rebellious Mahomedans, Farrateh 
Pasha Ezzeim, Mahomet Pasha Hassan, Bachit, Batraki, and 
Achmet Bey el Dgelab. And whoever was killed by the 
Mahdi's followers was at once consumed by fire, and this is 
one of the greatest wonders happening to confirm what is 
written is come to pass before the end of the world. There 
is just another wonder. The spears carried by the Mahdi's 
followers had a flame burning at their points, and this we 
have seen with our eyes and not heard only. 

And so event followed event near Suakim and Dongola 
until General Stewart Pasha, Gordon's second in command, 
died, and with him some consuls, and this happened in Wady 
Kama. Then the other Stewart in Abu Teleah, he had 
come with an English army to relieve Gordon Pasha, but 
many were killed, and God drove them back ignominiously. 
And then the whole Soudan and its dependencies accepted 
the Mahdi's rule, and submitted to the Imam the Mahdi, 
and gave themselves to him with their children and posses- 
sions and became his followers, and whoever opposed him 
was killed by God, and his children and property became 
the prey of the Moslems. 



AS TOLD IN H. M. ST VNLEY'S LETTERS. 129 

The armies of the Mahdi under the command of our 
friend Wed en Nedgumi are beleaguering Egypt near Wady 
Haifa and Abu Hamed. Near Askar Abu el Hudjadg is 
our friend Osman Digna. Abyssinia is in the hands of our 
friend Handan Abu Gaudia. In an encounter with the 
Abyssinians, God helped him, and he killed them, and 
among those killed was the chief of their army, who was 
called Ras Adrangi ; some of his children were killed and 
some made slaves. Our people reached the great church in 
the town of Condar, which is one of the most remarkable 
things among the Christians. In Darfour, Shakka, and Bahr 
el Ghazal is our friend Osman Aden, and with him Keremal- 
lah and Zebehr el Fhasl. The whole country is in the hands 
of God's soldiers, who war against the foes of God, who deny 
the Imam, the Mahdi. They are always victorious by God's 
strength and might, as He promised by His Word, " Ye who 
believe if ye fight, God will give you the victory." And 
again, "God is with us, and the victory is to the believers;" 
and yet again, " God is well pleased by those who are slain 
in His service ; they are like reared up strongholds." 

So now we have come in three steamers and in sandals 
and nuggers filled with soldiers from God's army under our 
orders, sent to you from his Mightiness the Great Chief of 
all the Moslems, the ever-victorious in his religion, who re- 
lies on God the Lord of the world, the Khalifa, the Mahdi — 
may God be gracious unto him ! — with his sacred orders, 
which are the orders of God and His Prophet, and it is your 
duty to obey them by reason of their religious teaching, you 
and whoever may be with you, whether Moslems, Christians, 
or others, and we bring you such news as will insure your 
welfare in this world and in the next, and to tell you what 
God wishes, He and His Prophet, and to assure you of a 
free pardon, to you and to whomsoever is with you, and 
protection for your children and property, from God and 
His Prophet, on condition that you submit to God. 
9 



130 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 

There are with us some letters written, by permission of 
our master, by some of your brethren who wish you well ; 
they are from Abdul Kader Slatin, who was formerly Mudir 
of Darfour ; Mahomed Said, who was formerly called Georgi 
Islamboulia ; Ismail Abdullah, who was formerly called 
Boles Salib, a Copt ; and many others who sympathize with 
you, and are now honored by the Mahdi's grace. There are 
also letters from your companions, Abdullah Lupton, who 
was Mudir of Bahr el Ghazal, Ibrahim Pasha Fanzi, Nur 
Bey ; Ibrahim Bey, commander of Kordofan. God has 
helped them all with his blessing, and they are now well-to- 
do and free from care, and God has given them more than 
they ever possessed in worldly goods and heavenly favor — 
when they became friends of the Mahdi, God rewarded them. 

Now, the Khalifa, the Mahdi, out of compassion for your 
forlorn state, left alone in the hands of the negroes — for 
there has been no news of you for a long time, and you must 
have lost all hope — has sent us to you with an army, as I 
before told you, to take you out of the land of the infidels 
to join your brethren the Moslems. Submit, therefore, with 
gladness to God's wish and come at once to see me wherever 
I may be, for I am now so near you, that I may honor you 
with the sacred Orders. You will find them full of won- 
derful things, on which depend your salvation in this and in 
the next world, and you will find in them the contentment 
of God, the ruler of the world. I have to add I am ordered 
by his Highness — whom no one can deny — that I am to 
honor you and take care of you, and when we meet you will 
have all your wishes fulfilled, and you will become one of 
the true believers, as your master wishes. 

And now be of good cheer and do not delay. I have said 
enough for one whose intelligence is bright, and now we 
pray God to lead you towards our master, for we believe 
you are one of those who hear good advice and follow it — 
and in truth it is God's gift. Among the things in your 



AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 131 

favor in the hands of the Khalifa, the Mahdi, was the arrival 
of your letter, brought by our friend Osman Erbal, intimat- 
ing your submission. He received this letter, and was well 
pleased with it, and because of this and the Khalifa, the 
Mahdi's, compassion for you we have come here as I told 
you before. 

May God bless and assist you in all that you do. Salaam. 

P.S. — The following letters are copies of the last three 
letters from Lupton Bey, Governor of the Bahr el Ghazal 
Province, to Emin Pasha, who kindly allowed me to copy 
them. — A. J. M. Jephson. 

April 12, 1884. 

Dear Emin, — The Mahdi's army is now camped six hours' 
march from here. Two dervishes have arrived here, and 
want me to hand over the Murdireh to them. I will fight 
to the last. I have put my guns in a strong fort, and if they 
succeed in capturing the Murdireh, I shall, I hope, from my 
fort turn them out again. They come to you at once if I 
lose the day ; so look out. Perhaps this is my last letter to 
you. My position is desperate, as my own men have gone 
over to them in numbers. 1 am known now by the name of 
Abdullah. I win the day or die ; so good-bye. Kind regards 
to Dr. Junker. 

If steamer comes to you, write to my friends and let them 
know I die game. F. Lupton. 

Their address is 38 Leadenhall Street, London, or High- 
house, Blackheath, London. 

April 20, 1884. 

Dear Emin Bet, — Most of my people have joined the 
Mahdi's force. Nazir Bucho and Nazir Liffe, with all their 
men, have gone over ; also the people from Gudju have gone 
over with the Government grain. I don't know how it will 
end. I have se-nt Wazy Uller to the Mahdi's camp. I hardly 



132 THE STORY OF EMLN'S RESCUE, 

know if I am Lupton Bey or the Emir Abdullah. I will 
write you as soon as Wazy Uller returns. Enemy are armed 
with Remingtons, and have four 01 five companies of regular 
troops with them, and some 8000 or 10,000 Orbau and Gil- 
labau,* but I will give you their correct strength as soon as 
I am sure about the matter. I don't think it's under the 
above number. Slatin wrote me two lines ; he only said, "I 
send this man Hadji Mustapha Kismullah to you." He is 
now the Emir Abd el Kada. Yours truly, 

F. Lupton. 

April 25, 1884. 
Dear Emin, — It is all up with me here ; every one has 
joined the Mahdi, and his army takes charge of the Murdi- 
reh the day after to-morrow. What I have passed through 
the last few days no one knows. I am perfectly alone. The 
man who brings you this will give you all particulars. I 
hear that an army was never so totally defeated as was that 
of General Hicks. Out of 16,000 men only 52 are alive, and 
they are nearly all wounded. Look you out ; some 8000 to 
10,000 men are coming to you well armed. Hoping that we 
shall meet. Yours truly, 

F. Lupton. 



LETTER XII. 
geographical results from the albert nyanza to uzinja. 

To the Secretary of the Royal Geographical Society, London. 

Camp at Kizinga, Uzinja, August 17, 1889. 
Sir, — I remember, while standing on the edge of the pla- 
teau which overlooks the southern end of Lake Albert, in 
December, 1887, that looking across the lake to the Unyoro 

* Desert Arabs and traders. — A. J. M. J. 



AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 133 

plateau, and running my eye along its unbroken outline from 
north to south, I was much struck by the gradual but steady 
uplift of the land to a point near the lake's end, where a wide 
cleft separated the plateau from the disjointed mass and 
higher elevations culminating around Mount Ajif. South- 
ward beyond Ajif we could see nothing but dark, impene- 
trable clouds, ominous of a storm ; yet underneath these 
night-black clouds lurked a most interesting mystery — that 
of the long-lost and wandering "Mountains of the Moon." 
Little did we imagine it, but the results of our journey from 
the Albert Nyanza to Unyampaka, where I turned away 
from the newly discovered lake in 1876, establish beyond a 
doubt that the snowy mountain which bears the native name 
of Ruwenzori or Ruwenjura is identical with w T hat the an- 
cients called "Mountains of the Moon." 

Note what Scheabeddin, an Arab geographer of the fif- 
teenth century, writes : "From the Mountains of the Moon 
the Egyptian Nile takes its rise. It cuts horizontally the 
equator in its course north. Many rivers come from this 
mountain and unite in a great lake. From this lake comes 
the Nile, the most beautiful and greatest of the rivers of all 
the earth." 

If, adopting the quaint style and brevity of the Arab 
writer, we would write of this matter now, we would say : 
"From Ruwenzori, the Snow Mountain, the western branch 
of the Upper Nile takes its rise. Many rivers come from 
this mountain, and uniting in the Semliki River, empty into 
a great lake named by its discoverer the Albert Nyanza. 
From this lake, which also receives the eastern branch of the 
Upper Nile, issues the true Nile, one of the most famous of 
the rivers of all the earth." 

But this is a matter of slight moment compared to the 
positive knowledge that in the least suspected part of Africa 
there has shot up into view and fact a lofty range of mount- 
ains, the central portion of which is covered with perpetual 



134 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 

snow, which supplies a lake to the south of the equator, and 
pours besides scores of sweet-water streams to the large trib- 
utary feeding the Albert Nyanza from the south. 

You will remember that Samuel Baker, in 1864, reported 
the Albert Nyanza to stretch " inimitably " in a south-west- 
erly direction from Yacovia, and that Gessi Pasha, who first 
circumnavigated that lake, and Mason Bey, who, in 1877, 
made a more careful investigation of it, never even hinted 
of the existence of a snowy mountain in that neighborhood, 
nor did the two last travellers pay any attention to the Sem- 
liki River. I might even add that Emin Pasha, for years 
resident on or near Lake Albert, or Captain Casati, who for 
some months resided in Unyoro, never heard of any such 
remarkable object as a snowy mountain being in that region, 
therefore we may well call it an unsuspected part of Africa. 
Surely it was none of our purpose to discover it. It simply 
thrust itself direct in our homeward route, and as it insisted 
on our following its base-line, we viewed it from all sides 
but the north-east. Only then could we depart from its 
neighborhood. 

Surrounded as I am by the hourly wants of an expedition 
like this, I cannot command the time to write such a letter 
on this subject as I would wish. I must even content my- 
self with allowing a few facts to fall into line for your lei- 
surely consideration. 

If you will draw a straight line from the debouchure of 
the Nile from Lake Albert, 230 geographical miles in a di- 
rection nearly south-west magnetic, you will have measured 
the length of a broad line of subsidence, which is from 
twenty to fifty miles wide, that exists between 3° N. lat. 
and 1° S. lat. in the centre of the African continent. On 
the left of this great trough, looking northward, of course, 
there is a continuous line of upland, rising from 1000 to 
3000 feet above it. Its eastern face drops abruptly into the 
trough ; the western side slopes gently to the Ituri and 



AS TOLD IN II. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 135 

Lomba basins. To the right there is another line of up- 
land. The most northerly section, ninety miles, rising from 
1000 to 3000 feet along the trough, is the Unyoro plateau, 
whose western face almost precipitously falls into the trough, 
and whose eastern face slopes almost imperceptibly towards 
the Kafur. The central section, also ninety miles long, con- 
sists of the Ruwenzori range, from 4000 to 15,000 feet 
above the average level of the trough. The remaining sec- 
tion of upland, and the most southerly, is from 2000 to 3500 
feet higher than the trough, and consists of the plateaus of 
Uhaiyana, Unyampaka, and Ankori. 

The most northerly section of the line of subsidence, 
ninety miles in length, is occupied by the Albert Nyanza; 
the central section, also ninety miles, by the Semliki River 
valley ; the southernmost portion, fifty miles long, by the 
plains and the new Nyanza, which we have all agreed to 
name the Albert Edward Nyanza, in honor of the first Brit- 
ish prince who has shown a decided interest in African 
geography. 

You will observe, then, that the Semliki Valley extends 
along the base of the Ruwenzori range ; that the northern 
and southern extremities or flanks of Ruwenzori have each 
a lake abreast of it ; that the Semliki River runs from the 
upper to the lower lake in a zigzag course. 

If you were to make a plan in rilievo of what has been 
described above, the first thing that would strike you would 
be that what had been taken out of that abyss or trough 
had been heaped up in the enormous range, and if along its 
slope you we-re to channel out sixty-two streams emptying 
into this trough, and let the sides of the trough slope here 
and there sharply towards the centre, you would be im- 
pressed with the fact that Ruwenzori w T as slowly being 
washed into the place whence it came. However, all these 
are matters for geologists. 

For months all Europeans on this expedition, before set- 



136 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 

ting out on their journey towards Zanzibar from the Albert 
Lake, were exercised in their minds how Sir Samuel Baker, 
standing on a hill near Yacovia, five or six miles from the 
extremity of the Nyanza, could attach "illimitability " to 
such a short reach of water ; but after rounding the Baleg- 
ga Mountains, which form a group to the south of Kavalli, 
we suddenly came in view of the beginning of the Semliki 
Valley, a sight which caused officers to ask one another, 
"Have you seen the Nyanza ?" and the female portion of 
the Egyptian following to break out into rapturous " Lu-lu- 
lus." Yet we were only four miles away from the valley, 
which was nearly white with its ripe grass, and which in- 
deed resembled strongly the disturbed waters of a shallow 
lake. 

This part of the Semliki Valley, which extends from the 
lake south-westerly, is very level ; for thirty miles it only 
a f tains to an altitude of fifty feet above the lake. All this 
part can only recently have been formed, say the last few 
hundred years. In one of its crooked bends nearer the 
south-eastern range we stumbled suddenly upon the Semliki 
River, with an impetuous volume, from eighty to one hun- 
dred yards wide, and an average depth of nine feet. Its 
continually crumbling banks of sandy loam rose about six 
feet above it. One glance at it revealed it to be a river 
weighted with fine sediment. When we experimented, we 
found a drinking-glass full of water contained nearly a tea- 
spoonful of sediment. We need not wonder, then, that for 
miles the south end of Lake Albert is so shallow that it will 
scarcely float p. row-boat. 

Beyond the grassy portion of the valley, a few acacias be- 
gin to stud it, which, as we proceed south-westerly, become 
detached groves, then a continuous thin forest, until it 
reaches the dense and rank tropical forest, with tail trees 
joined together by giant creepers, and nourishing in its 
shade thick undergrowths. Everything now begins to be 



AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 137 

sloppy wet, leaves and branches glisten with dew, weeping 
mosses cover stem, branch, and twig. The ground is soaked 
with moisture, a constant mist rises from the fermenting 
bosom of the forest. In the morning it covers the valley 
from end to end, and during the early hours, stratum after 
stratum rises, and attracted by the greater drought along the 
slant of the Ruwenzori slopes, drifts upward until the sum- 
mits of the highest mountains are reached, when it is gradu- 
ally intensified until the white mist has become a storm-cloud, 
and discharges its burden of moisture amid bursts of thun- 
der and copious showers. 

The valley sensibly rises faster in the forest legion than 
in the grassy part. Knolls and little rounded hills crop out, 
and the ground is much more uneven. Violent streams 
have ploughed deep ravines round about them, and have 
left long, narrow ridges, scarcely a stride across, at the sum- 
mit between two ravines a couple of hundred feet deep. 
At about seventy-five miles from the Albert Nyanza the 
valley has attained about 900 feet of an altitude above it, 
and at this junction the forest region abruptly ends. The 
south-west angle of Ruwenzori is about east of this, and 
with the change of scene a change of climate occurs. We 
have left eternal verdure, and the ceaseless distillation of 
mist and' humid vapors into rain, behind, and we now look 
upon grass ripe for the annual fire and general droughtiness. 
From this place the valley becomes like a level grassy plain 
until the Albert Edward Nyanza is reached. 

The southernmost stretch of the Ruwenzori range projects 
like a promontory between two broad extents of the ancient 
bed of the Albert Edward. To avoid the long detour, we 
cross this hilly promontory in a south-easterly direction from 
the Semliki Valley, and enter eastern Usongora, and are in a 
land as different from that at the north-western base of Ru- 
wenzori as early summer is from midwinter. As we con- 
tinue easterly, we leave Ruwenzori on our left now, and the 



138 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 

strangely configured Albert Edward Nyanza on our right. 
The broad plains which extend between were once covered 
by this lake. Indeed, for miles along its border there are 
breadths of far-reaching tongues of swamp penetrating in- 
land. Streams of considerable volume pour through these 
plains towards the Nyanza from Ruwenzori, without benefit- 
ing the land in the least. Except for its covering of grass — 
at this season withered and dried — it might well be called a 
desert ; yet in former times, not very remote, the plains were 
thickly peopled — the zeribas of milk-weed and dark circles 
of Euphorbia, wherein the shepherds herded their cattle by 
night, prove that, as well as the hundreds of cattle-dung 
mounds we come across. The raids of Waganda and the 
Warasura have depopulated the land of the Wasongora, the 
former occupants, and have left only a miserable remnant, 
who subsist by doing " chores " for the Warasura, their pres- 
ent masters. 

From Usongora we enter Toro, the Albert Edward Nyanza 
being still on our right, and our course being now north- 
easterly, as though our purpose was to march to Lake Albert 
again. After about twenty miles' march we turn east, leave 
the plains of the Albert Edward, and ascend to the uplands 
of Uhaiyana, which having gained, our course is south until 
we have passed Unyampaka, which I first saw in 1876. 

South of Unyampaka stretches Ankori, a large country 
and thickly peopled. The plains have an altitude of over 
5000 feet above the sea, but the mountains rise to as high as 
6400 feet. As Ankori extends to the Alexandra Nile, we 
have the well-known land of Karagwe south of this river. 

Since leaving the Albert Nyanza, between Kavalli and the 
Semliki River, we traversed the lands of the Wavira and 
Baregga. On crossing the Semliki we entered the territory 
of the Awamba. When we gained the grassy terrace at the 
base of the Ruwenzori range we travelled on the border-line 
between the Wakon ju, who inhabit the lower slopes of Ru- 



AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 139 

wenzori, and the Awamba, who inhabit the forest region of 
the Semliki Valley. The Wajonku are the only people who 
dwell upon the mountains. They build their villages as high 
as 8000 feet above the sea. In time of war — 'for the Wara- 
sura have invaded their country also — they retreat up to the 
neighborhood of the snows. They say that once fifty men 
took refuge right in the snow region, but it was so bitterly 
cold that only thirty returned to their homes. Since that 
time they have a dread of the upper regions of their mount- 
ains. 

As far as the south-west angle of Ruwenzori the slopes of 
the front line of hills are extensively cultivated — the fields 
of sweet-potatoes, millet, eleusine, and plantations of bananas 
describe all kinds of squares, and attract the attention ; while 
between each separate settlement the wild banana thrives 
luxuriantly, growing at as high an altitude as the summits 
of the highest spurs, whereon the Wakonju have constructed 
their villages. 

Though we were mutually hostile at first, and had several 
little skirmishes, we became at last acquainted with the Wa- 
konju, and very firm, close friends. The common enemy 
were the Warasura, and the flight of the Warasura upon 
hearing of our advance revealed to the Wakonju that they 
ought to be friends with all those who were supposed to be 
hostile to their oppressors. Hence we received goats, ba- 
nanas and native bee in abundance ; our loads were carried, 
guides furnished us, and every intelligence of the movements 
of the Wanyoro brought us. In their ardor to engage the 
foe, a band of them accompanied us across Usongora and 
Toro to the frontier of Uhaiyana. 

South-west of Awamba, beyond the forest region of the 
Semliki Valley, begins Usongora. This country occupies the 
plains bordering the north-west and north of Lake Albert 
Edward. The people are a fine race, but in no way differing 
from the finer types of men seen in Karagwe and Ankori, 



140 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 

and the Wahuma shepherds of Uganda. Their food consists 
of milk and meat, the latter eaten raw or slightly warmed. 

The Toro natives are a mixture of the higher class of ne- 
groes, somewhat like the Waganda. They have become so 
amalgamated with the lower Wanyoro that we can find noth- 
ing distinctive, The same may be said of the Wahaiyana. 
What the royal families of these tribes may be we can only 
imagine from having seen the rightful prince of Usongora 
in Ankori, who was as perfect a specimen of a pure Galla 
as could be found in Shoa. But you need not conclude 
from this that only the royal families possess fine features. 
These Ethiopic types are thickly spread among the Wahuma 
of these Central African uplands. Wherever we find a land 
that enjoys periods of peace, we find the Wahuma at home, 
with their herds, and in looking at them one might fancy 
himself transported into the midst of Abyssinia. 

Ankori is a land which, because of its numbers and readi- 
ness to resistance, enjoys long terms of uninterrupted peace ; 
and here the Wahuma are more numerous than elsewhere. 
The royal family are Wahuma, the chiefs and all the wealth- 
ier and more important people are pure Wahuma. Their 
only occupation, besides warring when necessary, is breeding 
and tending cattle. The agricultural class consists of slaves — 
at least such is the term by which they are designated. The 
majority of the Wahuma can boast of features quite as regu- 
lar, fine, and delicate as Europeans. 

The countries to the south of the Albert Edward are still 
unexplored, and we have not heard much respecting them ; 
but what we have heard differs much from that which you 
find illustrated by that irregular sheet of water called Muta 
Nzige in the "Dark Continent" map. 

Ruanda bears the name of Unyavingi to the people of 
Ukonju, Usongora, and Ankori, and is a large, compact 
country, lying between the Alexandra Nile and the Congo 
water-shed to the west, and reaching to within one day's 



AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 141 

long march of the Albert Edward. It also overlaps a por- 
tion of the south-west side of that lake. The people are de- 
scribed as being very warlike, and that no country, not even 
Uganda, could equal it in numbers or strength. The late 
queen has been succeeded by her son, Kigeri, who now 
governs. 

Since the commencement of our march homeward from 
our camp at Kavalli, we have undergone remarkable vicissi- 
tudes of climate. From the temperate and enjoyable climate 
of the region west of Lake Albert we descended to the hot- 
house atmosphere of the Semliki Valley — a nearly three thou- 
sand feet lower level. Night and day w r ere equally oppress- 
ively warm and close, and one or two of us suffered greatly 
in consequence. The movement from the Semliki Valley 
to the plains north of Lake Albert brought us to a dry but 
a hot land ; the ground w r as baked hard, the grass was scorch- 
ed, the sun, but for the everlasting thick haze, w T ould have 
been intolerable ; in addition to which the water, except that 
from the Kuwenzori streams, was atrocious, and charged with 
nitre and organic corruption. The ascent to the eastern pla- 
teau was marked by an increase of cold and many an evil 
consequence — fevers, colds, catarrhs, dysenteries, and paraly- 
sis. Several times we ascended to over 6000 feet above the 
sea, to be punished with agues, which prostrated black and 
white by scores. In the early mornings, at this altitude, 
hoar-frost was common. Blackberries were common along 
the path in north-west Ankori, 5200 feet above the sea-level. 

On entering Uzinja, south-west corner of Lake Victoria, 
the health of all began to improve, and fevers became less 
common. 

I have jotted these few remarks down very hastily. 
Whether it is from lack of wholesome food or not, but I 
confess to feeling it an immense labor to sit down and write 
upon any subject. I do not agree with Shakespeare when 
he says : 



142 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 

"Fat paunches have lean pates; and dainty bits 
Make rich the ribs, but bankrupt quite the wits." 

In our case, and I speak for all our officers as well as my- 
self, " dainty bits" just now would brighten up our wits, 
for we suspect that our wits have strongly sympathized 
with the bodies' pains. 

That you may know what the upper regions of Ruwen- 
zori were like, I send you Lieutenant Stairs's account of his 
ascent to a height 0$ nearly 11,000 feet. 

Yours obediently, 

Henry M. Stanley. 

LIEUTENANT STAIRS's ACCOUNT OF HIS ASCENT OF RUWENZORI, 
TO A HEIGHT OF 10,677 FEET ABOVE SEA-LEVEL. 

Expedition Camp, June 8, 1889. 
To H. M. Stanley, Esq., Commanding Emin Pasha Relief Expedition. 

Sir, — I have the honor to present you with the following 
account of an attempt made by me to reach the snow-capped 
peaks of Ruwenzori. 

Early on the morning of the 6th June, accompanied by 
some forty Zanzibaris, we made a start from the expedi- 
tion's camp at the foot-hills of the range, crossed the stream 
close to camp, and commenced the ascent of the mountain. 

With me I had two aneroids, which together we had pre- 
viously noted and compared with a standard aneroid re- 
maining in camp under your immediate observation ; also a 
Fahrenheit thermometer. 

For the first 900 feet above camp the climbing was fairly 
good, and our progress was greatly aided by a native track 
which led up to some huts in the hills. These huts we 
found to be of the ordinary circular type so common on the 
plains, but with the difference that bamboo was largely used 
in their interior construction. Here we found the food of 
the natives to be maize, bananas, and colocasia roots. On 



AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 143 

moving away from these huts we soon left behind us the 
long, rank grass, and entered a patch of low, scrubby bush, 
intermixed with bracken and thorns, making the journey 
more difficult. 

At 8.30 a.m. we came upon some more huts of the same 
type, and found that the natives had decamped from them 
some days previously. Here the barometer read 23.58 and 
22.85 ; the thermometer 75° F. On all sides of us we could 
see Dracaenas, and here and there an occasional tree-fern and 
Mwab palm ; and, tangled in all shapes on either side of the 
track, were masses of long bracken. The natives now ap- 
peared at different hill-tops and points near by, and did 
their best to frighten us back down the mountain by shout- 
ing and blowing horns. We, however, kept on our w 7 ay up 
the slope, and in a short time they disappeared and gave us 
very little further trouble. 

Of the forest plains, stretching far away below us, we 
could see nothing, owing to the thick haze that then ob- 
scured everything. We were thus prevented from seeing 
the hills to the west and north-west. 

At 10.30 a.m., after some sharp climbing, we reached the 
last settlement of the natives, the cultivation consisting of 
beans and colocasias, but no bananas. Here the barometer 
read 22.36; thermometer 84° F. Beyond this settlement 
was a rough track leading up the spur to the forest; this 
we followed, but in many places to get along at all we had 
to crawl on our hands and knees, so steep were the slopes. 

At 11 a.m. we reached this forest, and found it to be one 
of bamboos, at first open, and then getting denser as we 
ascended. We now noticed a complete and sudden change 
in the air from that we had just passed through. It be- 
came much cooler and more pure and refreshing, and all 
went along at a faster rate and with lighter hearts. Now 
that the Zanzibaris had come so far, they all appeared anx- 
ious to ascend as high as possible, and began to chaff each 



144 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 

other as to who should bring down the biggest load of the 
"white stuff " on the top of the mountain. 

At 12.40 p.m. we emerged from the bamboos and sat 
down on a grassy spot to eat our lunch. Barometers 21.10 
and 27-3^0-. Thermometer 70° F. Ahead of us, and rising 
in one even slope, stood a peak, in altitude 1200 feet higher 
than we were. This we now started to climb, and after go- 
ing np it a short distance, came upon the tree-heaths. Some 
of these bushes must have been twenty feet high, and as we 
had to cut our way foot by foot through them, our progress 
was necessarily slow and very fatiguing to those ahead. 

At 3.15 we halted among the heaths for a few moments 
to regain our breath. Here and there were patches of in- 
ferior bamboos, almost every stem having holes in it, made 
by some boring insect, and quite destroying its usefulness. 
Underfoot was a thick spongy carpet of wet moss, and the 
heaths on all sides of us, we noticed, were, covered with 
" Old Man's Beard." We found great numbers of blue 
violets and lichens, and from this spot I brought away some 
specimens of plants for the Pasha to classify. A general 
feeling of cold dampness prevailed ; in spite of our exer- 
tions in climbing, we all felt the cold mist very much. It 
is this continual mist clinging to the hill-tops that no doubt 
causes all the vegetation to be so heavily charged with moist- 
ure and makes the ground underfoot so wet and slipp} T .» 

Shortly after 4 p.m. we halted among some high heaths 
for camp. Breaking down the largest bushes, we made 
rough shelters for ourselves, collected what firewood we 
could find, and in other ways made ready for the night. 
Firewood, however, was scarce, owing to the wood being so 
wet that it would not burn. In consequence of this the 
lightly clad Zanzibaris felt the cold very much, though the 
altitude was only about 8500 feet. On turning in, the ther- 
mometer registered 60° F. From camp I got a view of the 
peaks ahead, and it was now that I began to fear we should 



AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 145 

not be able to reach the snow. Ahead of us, lying directly 
in our path, were three enormous ravines ; at the bottoms 
of at least two of these there was dense bush. Over these 
we should have to travel, and cut our way through the bush. 
It then would resolve itself into a question of time as to 
whether we could reach the summit or not. I determined 
to go on in the morning and see exactly what difficulties 
lay before us, and if these could be surmounted in a reason- 
able time to go on as far as we possibly could. 

On the morning of the 7th, selecting some of the best 
men, and sending the others down the mountain, we started 
off again upward, the climbing being similar to that we ex- 
perienced yesterday afternoon. The night had been bitterly 
cold, and some of the men complained of fever, but all were 
in good spirits, and quite ready to go on. About 10 a.m. we 
were stopped by the first of the ravines mentioned above. 
On looking at this I saw that it would take a long time to 
cross, and there were ahead of it still two others. We now 
got our first glimpse of a snow peak, distance about two and 
a half miles, and I judged it would take us still a day and a 
half to reach this, the nearest snow. To attempt it, there- 
fore, would only end disastrously, unprovided as we were 
with food, and some better clothing for at least two of the 
men. I therefore decided to return, trusting all the time 
that at some future camp a better opportunity for making 
an ascent would present itself, and the summit be reached. 
Across this ravine was a bare, rocky peak, very clearly de- 
fined, and known to us as the south-west of the " Twin 
Cones." The upper part of this was devoid of vegetation, 
the steep beds of rock only allowing a few grasses and 
heaths in one or two spots to exist. 

The greatest altitude reached by us, after being worked out 
and all corrections applied, was about 10,677 feet above the 
sea. The altitude of the snow peak above this would prob- 
ably be about 6000 feet, making the mountain, say, 16,600 
1Q 



146 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 

feet high. This, though, is not the highest peak in the Ru- 
wenzori cluster. With the aid of a field-glass I could make 
out the form of the mountain-top perfectly. The extreme 
top of the peak is crowned with an irregular mass of jagged 
and precipitous rock, and has a distinct crater-like form. I 
could see, through a gap in the near side, a corresponding 
rim, or edge, on the farther, of the same formation and alti- 
tude. From this crown of rock the big peak slopes to the 
eastward at a slope of about 25°, until shut out from view 
by an intervening peak ; but to the west the slope is much 
steeper. Of the snow, the greater mass lay on that slope 
directly nearest us, covering the slope wherever its inclina- 
tion was not too great. The largest bed of snow would 
cover a space measuring about 600 by 300 feet, and of such 
depth that in only two spots did the black rock crop out 
above its surface. Smaller patches of snow extended well 
down into the ravine. The height, from the lowest snow 
to the summit of the peak, would be about 1200 or 1000 
feet. To the E.N.E. our horizon was bounded by the spur 
which, starting directly behind our main camp and mount- 
ing abruptly, takes a curve in a horizontal plane and centres 
onto the snow peak. Again, that spur which lay south of 
us also radiated from the two highest peaks. This would 
seem to be the general form of the mountain, namely, that 
the large spurs radiate from the snow peaks as a centre, and 
spread out to the plains below. This formation on the west 
side of the mountain would cause the streams to flow from 
the centre, and flow on, gradually separating from each 
other, until they reach the plains below. There they turn 
to the W.N.W., or trace their courses along the bottom 
spurs of the range and run into the Semliki River, and on 
to the Albert Nyanza. Of the second snow peak which we 
have seen on former occasions I could see nothing, owing 
to the " Twin Cones" intervening. This peak is merely the 
termination, I should think, of the snowy range we saw 



AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. U7 

when at Kavalli's, and has a greater elevation, if so, than 
the peak we endeavored to ascend. Many things go to show 
that the existence of these peaks is due to volcanic causes. 
The greatest proof that this is so lies in the numbers of con- 
ical peaks clustering round the central mass on the western 
side. These minor cones have been formed by the central 
volcano getting blocked in its crater, owing to the pressure 
of its gases not being sufficient to throw out the rock and 
lava from its interior ; and consequently the gases, seeking 
for weak spots, have burst through the earth's crust, and 
thus been the means of forming these minor cones that now 
exist. Of animal life on the mountain we saw almost noth- 
ing. That game of some sort exists is plain from the num- 
ber of pitfalls we saw on the road-sides, and from the fact 
of our finding small nooses in the natives' huts such as those 
used for taking ground game. We heard the cries of an 
ape in a ravine, and saw several dull grayish-brown birds 
like stone-chats, but beyond these nothing. 

We found blueberries and blackberries at an altitude of 
10,000 feet and over, and I have been able to hand over to 
the Pasha some specimens for his collections, the generic 
names of which he has kindly given me, and which are at- 
tached below. That I could not manage to reach the snow 
and bring back some as evidence of our work I regret very 
much ; but to have proceeded onward to the mountain un- 
der the conditions in which we were situated I felt would 
be worse than useless ; and though all of us were keen and 
ready to go on, I gave the order to return. I then read off 
the large aneroid, and found the hand stood at 10.90. I set 
the index-pin directly opposite to the hand, and we started 
downhill. At 3 p.m. on the 7th I reached you, it having 
taken four and a half hours of marching from the "Twin 
Cones." I have the honor to be, sir, 

Your obedient servant, 

W. E. Stairs, Lieut., B.E. 



148 



THE STORY OF EMLN'S RESCUE, 



P.S. — The following are the generic names of the plants 
collected by me. Emin Pasha has kindly furnished them : 



1. 


Clematis. 


14. 


Sonchus. 


27. 


Asplenium. 


2. 


Viola. 


15. 


Erica arborea. 


28. 


Aspidiurn. 


3. 


Hibiscus. 


16, 


Landolphia. 


29. 


Polypodium. 


4. 


Impatiens. 


17. 


Heliotropium. 


30. 


Lycopodium. 


5. 


Tephrosia. 


18. 


Lantana. 


31. 


Selaginella. 


6. 


Elycina. (?) 


19. 


Moscnosma. 


32. 


Marchantia. 


7. 


Rub us. 


20. 


Lissochilus. 


33. 


Parmelia. 


8. 


Vaccinium. 


21. 


Luzula. 


34. 


Dracasna. 


9. 


Begonia. 


22. 


Carex. 


35. 


Usnea. 


10. 


Peucedanum. 


23, 


Anthistiria. 


36. 


Tree-fern. 


11. 


Gnaphalium. 


24. 


Adiantum. 


37. 


One fern. 


12. 


Helichrysum. 


25. 


Pellia. 


38. 


One polypodium, 


13. 


Senecio. 


26. 


Pteris aquilina. 







LETTER XIII. 



GEOGRAPHICAL PROBLEMS. 

[The following letter is addressed by Mr. Stanley to Colo- 
nel J. A. Grant, C.B., the celebrated African traveller.] 

Villages of Batundu, Ituri River, Central Africa, 
September 8, 1888. 

My dear Grant, — I have only been able to write scrap- 
py letters hitherto, though I start them with strong incli- 
nation to give our friends a complete story of our various 
marches and their incidents, but so far I have been com- 
pelled to hurriedly close them, lest I should miss the oppor- 
tunity to send them. This one, for instance — I know not 
how to send this at present, but an accidental arrival of a 
caravan, or an accidental detention of the expedition, may 
furnish the means. I will trust to chance and write, never- 
theless. 

You more than any of the Committee are interested in 
Lake Albert. Let us deal with that first. 



AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 149 

When, on December 13, 1887, we sighted the lake, the 
southern part lay at our feet almost, like an immense map. 
We glanced rapidly over the grosser details — the lofty pla- 
teau walls of Unyoro to the east, and that of Baregga to the 
west, rising nearly 3000 feet above the silver water, and be- 
tween the walls stretched a plain — seemingly very flat — 
grassy, with here and there a dark clump of brushwood, 
which as the plain trended south-westerly became a thin 
forest. The south-west edge of the lake seemed to be not 
more than six miles away from where we stood — by obser- 
vation the second journey I fixed it at nine miles direct south- 
easterly — from the place. This will make the terminus of the 
south-west corner at 1° 17" IN", lat. By prismatic compass 
the magnetic bearing of the south-east corner just south of 
Numba Falls was 137°; this will make it about 1° 11' 30" 
N. lat. A magnetic bearing of 148° taken from IN", lat. 1° 
25' 30" about exactly describes the line of shore running 
from the south-west corner of the lake to the south-east cor- 
ner of the Albert. Baker fixed his position at lat. IN". 1° 15' 
if I recollect rightly. The centre of Mbakovia Terrace 
bears 121° 30' magnetic from my first point of observation ; 
this will make his Yacovia about 1° 15' 45", allowing 10° 
w T est variation. 

In trying to solve the problem of the infinity of Lake Al- 
bert as sketched by Baker, and finding that the lake termi- 
nus is only four miles south of where he stood to view it, 
"from a little hill," and on u a beautifully clear day," one 
would almost feel justified in saying that he had never seen 
the lake. But his position of Yacovia proves that he actual- 
ly was there, and the general correctness of his outline of 
the East Coast from Yacovia to Magungo also proves that 
he navigated the lake. When we turn our faces north-east, 
we say that Baker has done exceedingly well, but when we 
turn them southward, our senses in vain try to penetrate 
the mystery because our eyes see not what Baker saw. 



150 THE STORY OF EMIN'S KESCUE, 

When Gessi Pasha first sketched the lake after Baker, and 
reduced the immense lake to one about ninety miles long, 
my faith was in Baker, because Gessi could not resolve by 
astronomical observations the south end of the lake. When 
Mason Bey — an accomplished surveyor — in 1877 circumnav- 
igated the lake and corroborated Gessi, then I thought that 
perhaps Mason had met a grassy barrier or sand-bank over- 
grown with sedge and ambatch, and had not reached the 
true beyond, because he admitted that he could not see very 
far from the deck of his steamer ; my faith still rested in 
Baker ; but now, with Lieutenant Stairs, of the Ro # yal Engi- 
neers, Mr. Mounteney Jephson, Surgeon Parke, Emin Pasha, 
Captain Casati, I have looked with my own eyes upon the 
scene, and find that Baker has made an error. I am some- 
what surprised, also, at Baker's altitudes of Lake Albert, and 
the "Blue Mountains," and at the breadth attributed by him 
to the lake. The shore opposite Yacovia is 10J miles dis- 
tant, not 40 or 50 miles; the "Blue Mountains" are noth- 
ing else but the west upland — the highest cone or hill being 
not above 6000 feet above the level of the sea — not 7000 
feet or 8000 feet high. The altitude of Lake Albert by an- 
eroid and boiling-point will not exceed 2350 feet — not 2720 
feet. 

And last of all, away to the south-west, where he has 
sketched his " infinite " stretch of lake, there rises, about 
forty miles from Yacovia, an immense snowy mountain, a 
solid square-browed mass with an almost level summit be- 
tween two lofty ridges. If it were " a beautifully clear day " 
he should have seen this, being nearer to it by thirteen geo- 
graphical miles than I was. 

Apropos of the error of Baker, Emin Pasha related to me 
a curious scene, of which I believe he was a witness, between 
Gordon and one of his staff-officers who had been despatched 
on a mission to Uganda, and who on returning reported that 
he had discovered a large lake between Lake Albert and 



AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 151 

Lake Victoria called the Gita Nzige, or Lake Ibrahim, and 
that he had also a new survey of Lake Victoria. 

" Well, sir, have you seen the Victoria Nyanza 2" asked 
Gordon, looking up from a letter he was writing. 

"Yes, sir, I have." 

" What would you estimate its breadth at?" 

"About five miles, I should say, sir." 

" Five miles ! Are you not a little out there?" 

" Well, say about seven." 

" Only seven. Surely, sir, you must be still out. Are you 
not ?" 

" Say about ten, then." 

" Oh," said Gordon, smiling, " but you must be a little out 
still, I should say," etc. 

" Well, say fifteen, then. 1 protest against adding another 
mile." 

" But tell me," said Gordon, " could you see a man across 
with the naked eye or a field-glass V 7 

"Most distinctly." 

" What ! from the water's edge ?" 

" Not exactly from the water's edge, but from a few feet 
above the water-level." 

" It is strange, most strange, not only that the Victoria 
Nyanza is only fifteen miles wide — I believe you said fifteen 
miles, sir?" 

"Yes, sir, fifteen miles at the farthest." 

— " but that a man could be seen fifteen miles off with a 
field-glass. Thank you, sir, for your very interesting report." 

I am told that at an interview with the cartographer of 
the general staff he was most anxious that Lake Ibrahim 
should have certain prominence by expansion of the outlines, 
as it was a new discovery. The pliant and friendly cartog- 
rapher traced out along the line of the Victoria Nile a re- 
spectable lake about thirty miles by ten. " Oh, that will 
never do," cried the discoverer. "What! Lake Ibrahim, 



152 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 

Gita Nzige, must at least be a hundred miles long by fifty- 
miles wide at least." 

"Yet," said Emin 'Pasha, "both Gordon and I saw this 
lake, and we know it to be only an expansion of the Vic- 
toria Nile, similar to that lying between Wadelai and the Al- 
bert, or like that of the Upper Congo and Stanley Pool. In 
consequence it has many shallow channels separated by islets 
and glistening white sand-bars." 

About the lake discovered by me in 1876 I can learn very 
little from the natives. At Chief Kavalli's I saw two natives 
who came from that region. One of them hailed from Un- 
yampaka and the other from ITsongora. The first said that 
the Albert lake is much larger than that near Unyampaka. 
The other said that the Southern Lake is the largest, as 
it takes two days to cross it. He describes it as being a 
month's march from Kavalli's. Their accounts differ so 
much that one is almost tempted to believe that there are 
two lakes — a smaller one near Unyampaka and connected 
by a river or channel with that of Usongora. 

My interest is greatly excited, as you may imagine, by 
the discovery of Ruwenzori — the Snowy Mountain — a pos- 
sible rival of Kilimanjaro. Remember that we are in north 
latitude, and that this mountain must be near or on the 
equator itself, that it is summer now, and that we saw it in 
the latter part of May, that the snow-line was about (estimate 
only) 1000 feet below the summit. Hence I conclude that 
it is not Mount Gordon Bennett, seen in December, 1876 
(though it may be so), which the natives said had only 
snow occasionally. At the time I saw the latter there was 
no snow visible. It is a little farther east, according to the 
position I gave it, than Puwenzori. 

All the questions which this mountain naturally gives 
rise to will be settled, I hope, by this expedition before it 
returns to the sea. If at all near my line of march, its 
length, height, and local history will be ascertained. My 



AS TOLD IN II. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 153 

young officers will like to climb to the summit, arid I shall 
be glad to furnish them with every assistance. They will 
perhaps be able to bring me a bucketful of snow to 
cool my "sherbet." Many rivers will be found to issue 
from this curious land between the two Muta Nziges. 
What rivers are they ? Do they belong to the Nile or the 
Congo? There is no river going east or south-east from 
this section, except the Katonga and Kafur, and both must 
receive, if any, but a very small supply from Gordon Ben- 
nett and Ruwenzori. The new mountain must therefore be 
drained principally south and west. If south, the streams 
have connection with the lake south ; if west, the Semliki 
tributary of Lake Albert and some river flowing to the Congo 
must receive the rest of its waters. Then if the lake south 
receives any considerable supply the interest deepens. Does 
the lake discharge its surplus to the Nile or to the Congo? 
If to the former, then it will be of great interest to you, and 
you will have to admit that Lake Victoria is not the main 
source of the Nile; if to the Congo, then the lake will be 
the source of the river Lowwa, or Loa, since it is the largest 
tributary to the Congo from the east between the Aruwimi 
and the Luama. For your comfort, I will dare venture the 
opinion even now, that the lake is the source of the Lowwa, 
though I know nothing positive of the matter. But I infer 
it, from the bold manner in which the Aruwimi trenches 
upon a domain that any one would have imagined belonged 
to the Nile. It was only ten minutes' march between the 
head of one of its streams to the crest of the plateau whence 
we looked down upon the Albert Nyanza. 

From the mouth of the Aruwimi to the head of this 
stream is 390 geographical miles in a straight line. Well, 
next to the Aruwimi in size is the Lowwa River, and from 
the mouth of the Lowwa to the longitude of Ugampaka post 
in a direct line is only 240 geographical miles. 

Emin Pasha, though living in comfort so far as provisions 



154 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 

could supply his wants, was in a much worse position than I 
believed he was when I set out from England. Kabba Rega 
had been friendly with him up to December, 1887, but the 
news spread through Uganda, and thence to Unyoro, that 
there was a large expedition advancing to help Emin. Then 
Kabba Rega immediately expelled Captain Casati with every 
mark of indignity. He was bound to a tree, stripped naked, 
and finally sent adrift to perish. Fortunately, after a few 
days of extreme misery and want, he was found and rescued 
by Emin Pasha, who, in his steamer, searched the north-east- 
ern shore for him. This was a terrible reverse to Casati, 
who was robbed of all his clothes, journals, and memoirs. 
We also lost a packet of letters that had been sent by the 
missionaries of Uganda for our expedition. 

As Kabba Rega has about 1500 guns, mostly rifles, he is 
not so despicable an opponent as he was in the time of 
Baker. These African kings settled in their own country 
have time in their favor. In time everything comes to 
those who can wait. Kabba Rega, of course, could wait 
without impatience, and everything belonging to Emin Pasha 
and his force would revert to him, failing any decisive move- 
ment of retreat on the part of Emin before it was too late. 
The northern road via the Nile was blocked, though many 
of his soldiers have fondly hoped up to this day for relief 
from that quarter. To the south are the warlike tribes 
whom we will have to meet going to sea, and Emin Pasha's 
people had no idea of venturing in that direction, because 
they would not believe that Emin knew the road, and they 
had not seen a living man appear from there to give them 
the news of such a road. To the west and south-west were 
numerous peoples who knew how to fight, who were as yet 
unwhipped out of their native arrogance, and consequently 
had an immense faith in their native valor. Their strength 
and fighting powers were left for us to test, and for a short 
time it really seemed as if we had been too confident. Day 



AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 155 

after day they leaped and bounded to the struggle, which, 
however, always ended disastrously for them. Even if they 
were gathered en vnasse, these natives could never have held 
their own against Emin Pasha's force, provided his people 
were unanimously loyal and determined to co-operate with 
him. Unfortunately the force is not to be relied on for 
such a work. If the Nubians doubted that Emin Pasha 
could lead them south to Zanzibar they would doubt that he 
could lead them anywhere, especially to the wilds of the 
west, about which no man knew anything. The Nubians 
were willing to go north by the Nile, and to let Emin Pasha 
lead them, but on arriving near Khartoum they would tell 
him they knew the road themselves, and did not need him. 
This was their idea, and it is principally the reason why the 
Pasha seemed to be hemmed in so rigorously. 

The loyalty of the Pasha to his men becomes apparent, 
though they have been disloyal to him. He could not cast 
them off because it would be their ruin, neither could he 
venture away from them alone. 

One of his officers, Shukr Aga, constantly loyal to him, 
related to me a story which, when repeated by me to Emin 
Pasha, was confirmed by him. The Pasha would never 
have told it himself. 

A few months ago 190 rifles of the 1st battalion set out 
for Wadelai, where Emin Pasha resided, with the intention 
of capturing him and compelling him to remain with them, 
as a rumor current that an expedition was advancing from 
the south and west had become confused in their minds with 
the intended flight of their general. Convinced that their 
safe departure out of the region where they had seen so 
much trouble lay in the Pasha's presence and leadership, 
they had conceived the idea of arresting him and taking him 
with them to Duffle ; for, said they, " We know of only one 
road, and that leads down the Nile by Khartoum." The 
Pasha, suddenly informed of their intention of capturing 



156 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 

him, cried out: "Well, let them kill me. I am not afraid 
of death. Let them come, I will await them." But the 
officers of the 2d battalion implored him in urgent terms 
to make his escape, arguing that the violent capture of their 
Pasha would put an end to all government, and that it was 
but the first step to the total subversion of discipline. For 
some time he refused to listen to them, but finally escaped 
to Mswa (about forty-five miles from our camp at Nsabe). 
Soon after his departure the detachment of the 1st battal- 
ion came up, and, after surrounding the station, summoned 
the Pasha to come out and surrender himself to them. They 
were informed that the Pasha had gone south in his steam- 
er, upon which the malcontents advanced and seized the 
commandant and officers, and flogged them severely with 
the kourbash. Some of them they carried away with them 
to Duffle. 

Commenting upon this, the Pasha said : " All the members 
of the 1st battalion stationed north of Wadelai have been 
opposed to making a retreat, and any suggestion to leave 
their watch-post at Duffle has only provoked indignation and 
scepticism. But now, as you have come, and many of our 
people saw you while in Uganda with Linant Bey (1876), and 
know you personally, and many more have heard of your 
name, all of them will be convinced that there is another 
road to Egypt, and that you, having found them, can take 
them out of the country. They will see your officers, they 
will see your Soudanese, they will listen respectfully to any 
message you may send them and gladly obey. That is my 
opinion, though nobody knows what the sentiments of the 
1st battalion are, because there has not been time to hear 
them so far." 

Shukri Aga, the commandant of Mswa Station, on Lake 
Albert, is a brave, intelligent officer, an ex-slave promoted to 
his present rank for distinguished service against Karamalla, 
the agent of the Mahdi, where he was wounded three times. 



AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 157 

Between our line of route to Kavalli and a line drawn 
west from Mswa Station lies a section unvisited by any 
European. The people are devoted to Kabba Rega, and, 
therefore, hostile to our expedition and to Einin Pasha, and 
they have had orders to do their best to molest us. Those 
lying near our route to the south are hostile to Kabba Rega, 
and opposed to us all equally, but the lessons taught them 
by us in piercing through their country on our first visit 
have inspired in them a wdiolesome respect for us. My idea 
has been all along to fight as little as possible, but, when com- 
pelled to do so, to set about the job as efficiently as possible, 
so that then there will remain no doubt in native minds 
what we propose doing when we tell them. By this policy 
we have won a large section in our favor — at least have com- 
pelled them to pay ready obedience. In returning from the 
Nyanza the second time we mustered 1500 natives and led 
them to the plain of Usiri north of our route. It was simply 
a long walk for us, but it has been enough. Before we left, 
messengers came from them saying that the chiefs desired 
to enter our new confederation. Now, if it is necessary to 
teach Kabba Rega something that he has not yet learned, 
that there are people in this world other than those who 
have been content to pour their bounties into his lap, to be 
accepted or not to be accepted at his own good -will and 
pleasure, it is likely he may force me to attempt it. I hope 
to have the means behind me with those natives whom we 
have brought round to our view of things. There will be 
at least 5000 of them, and with Emin Pasha's force and my 
own Zanzibaris, inured to savage forest life during these last 
fifteen months, it will not be difficult. For you must re- 
member that if I travel south, to lead the Pasha's army and 
followers out of this country, we must spend a month in 
lands subject to Kabba Rega, and another month through 
lands governed by his allies. You must surely know what 
this means. I have not the rich cloths requisite to fill the 



158 THE STORY OF EMIN'S EESCUE, 

rapacious maw of Kabba Rega, but I shall have bullets 
enough, and more than enough, for his need. Then if Emin 
Pasha does not accompany me with his troops, it will be 
still more obligatory on me to be prepared for the worst 
that may happen, because to travel peacefully I should have 
to go to him to obtain his sanction to travel through his 
country, and that is impossible. Hence you may see that 
though we have surmounted a great deal already, the crisis 
will appear when we part from Emin Pasha, or leave the 
coast of the Albert Nyanza in the company of Emin Pasha. 
Whether we go south to the Muta Nzige or coast the north- 
ern and eastern flank of Unyoro, it will be all the same. 
From the reports of Emin, who lost 270 men in the Ukedi 
country, Kabba Rega dominates everywhere. 

By-the-bye, Emin Pasha said it was very lucky I did not 
approach him from the east by way of the Masai and Ukedi, 
or Langgo, as he calls it. The Langgo land is a great water- 
less desert for the most part. Even if we had been able to 
pierce through the Wakedi, it is doubtful if the want of 
food and water had not annihilated the expedition. He 
has a strong objection to return by that waterless route to 
the sea. 

Now that we know the Ituri so well, I feel convinced that 
we could not have chosen a better route. We lost a great 
number of men in going to Nyanza the first time, but the 
return was accomplished with the loss of three only, and we 
performed the journey in eighty-two days, inclusive of all 
halts. I hope to go to the Nyanza again as rapidly as we 
returned from there, with just as few losses. The men are 
heartened now, knowing all about the road, and knowing 
that they are going to Zanzibar. The Ituri River helps us 
half-way. All our loads are carried in canoes. In forty- 
five days afterwards we shall be on the Albert Nyanza. I 
told Emin Pasha I should be back with him about the mid- 
dle of December, 1888. I have three mouths before me 



AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEYS LETTERS. 159 

yet — an ample time unless I am delayed by some unforeseen 
obstacle. 

Yours very sincerely, 

Henry M. Stanley. 
To Colonel J. A. Grant, C.B. 



LETTEK XIV. 

FROM EMIN PASHA TO THE RELIEF COMMITTEE. 

Mslala, August 23, 1889. 

Sir, — Having reached, under the escort of Mr. Stanley's 
expedition, to-day this place, I cannot but hasten to write 
just two words to tell you how deeply we all appreciate the 
generous help you have sent us. When, in the stress of ad- 
versity, I first ventured to make an appeal to the world ask- 
ing assistance for my people, I was well aware of such an 
appeal not passing unheard, but I never once fancied the 
possibility of such kindness as you and the subscribers of 
the Relief Fund have shown us. 

It would be impossible to tell you what has happened 
here after Mr. Stanley's first start; his graphic pen will tell 
you everything much better than I could. I hope, also, the 
Egyptian Government permitting it, some future day to be 
allowed to present myself before you, and to express to you 
then the feelings of gratitude my pen would be short in ex- 
pressing in a personal interview. 

Until such happy moments come, I beg to ask you to 
transmit to all subscribers of the fund the sincerest thanks 
of a handful of forlorn people, who, through your instrumen- 
tality have been saved from destruction, and now hope to 
embrace their relatives. 

To speak here of Mr. Stanley's and his officers' merits 



160 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 

would be inadequate. If I live to return I shall make my 

acknowledgments. 

I am, sir, with many and many thanks, 

Yours very obliged, Dr. Emin. 

W. Mackinnon, Esq., Chairman of Committee of the 
Relief Expedition Fund. 



LETTER XV. 

THE TROUBLES WITH THE REAR COLUMN. 

C.M.S. Station at Mslala, South End of Lake Victoria, 
East Central Africa, August 31, 1889. 

My dear De Winton, — We arrived here on the 28th 
inst., and found the modern Livingstone, Mr. A. M. Mackay, 
safely and comfortably established at this mission station. 
I had always admired Mackay. He had never joined the 
missionaries' attacks on me, and every fact I had heard 
about him indicated that I should find him an able and reli- 
able man. When I saw him, and some of his work about 
here, then I recognized the man I had pleaded in the name 
of Mtesa should be sent to him in 1875; the very type of 
man I had described as necessary to confirm Mtesa in his 
growing love for the white man's creed. 

A packet of newspaper cuttings was given to me on arri- 
val; the contents of most of them have perfectly bewildered 
me. I am struck with two things, viz., the lack of common- 
sense exhibited by the writers, and the utter disregard of 
accuracy shown. Not one seems to have considered my 
own letters to the Committee, or my speech at the Mackin- 
non dinner before starting, as worthy of regard. They do 
not care for the creed that I have always professed, the one 
great article of faith of the working portion of my life, 
" Never make a promise unless you mean to keep it"; and 
my second article of faith, which ought to have been as gen- 



AS TOLD IN H. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 161 

erally known, if words and corresponding actions may be 
judged, " Obey orders, if you break owners " (see my work 
on the Congo and its Free State). "All I prayed for," said 
I, at the Mackinnon dinner speech, "is that the same im- 
pelling power which has hitherto guided and driven me in 
Africa would accompany me in my journey for relieving 
Gordon's faithful lieutenant." 

Now, in this White Pasha affair, tell me why should I 
budge one foot to right or left from the straight line de- 
scribed to you in my letters. " Kavalli's, on the Albert Ny- 
anza, almost due east from Yambuya — that is the objective 
point, natural obstacles permitting." I have never yet de- 
parted from the principle of fulfilling my promise to the 
letter where there is a responsibility attached to it. Have 
people at any time discovered any crankiness in me ? Then 
why should they suppose that I who expressed my view that 
Gordon disobeyed orders — Gordon's wilfulness, you remem- 
ber the phrase in the Mansion House Speech — would be ten 
times more disobedient and a thousand times more disloyal, 
deserving of such charges as " breach of faith," "dishonesty," 
"dissimulation," by going in the direction of Bahr Gazelle 
and Khartoum ? I should not have gone were it to win an 
imperial crown, unless it had been an article in the verbal 
bond between the Committee and myself. The object of 
the expedition, as I understood it, was simply the relief of 
Emin Pasha, so far as the Committee were concerned in the 
undertaking; but the Egyptian Government added, "and 
the escort of Emin Pasha and his people to the sea, should 
Emin Pasha require it." 

Now, in the Emin Pasha affair, the latest Blue-book which 
Lord Iddesleigh furnished me with contained many expres- 
sions through Emin Pasha's letters, which seemed to prove 
that he had faithfully maintained his post until he could 
learn from his Government what its intentions were, and 
that he had force enough with him to depart in almost any 

11 



162 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 

direction towards the sea, if such was the Government's 
wish ; by the Congo, by Monbuttu, or via Langgo Land, and 
Masai were alike to him. But on November 2, 1887, forty- 
two days before I reached the Albert Nyanza, he writes to 
his friend, Dr. Felkin, "Don't have any doubt about my 
intentions. I do not want a rescue expedition. Have no 
fears about me. I have long made up my mind to stay." 

All this is very unsatisfactory and inexplicable; he also 
said that he had sent searching parties in the direction I was 
supposed to come. On December 15th, 16th, 17th, I made 
inquiries of the people at the south end of Lake Albert, and 
they had seen no steamer or strange boat since Mason Bey's 
visit in 1877. Consequently this absence of news of him 
cost us a 300-mile journey, to obtain our boat and carry her 
to the ISTyanza. With this boat we found him within three 
days. Finally he steamed up to our camp, but instead of 
meeting with one who had long ago made up his mind, Emin 
Pasha had not begun to make up his mind either to stay or 
go away with us. He would first have to consult his people, 
scattered among fifteen stations over a large extent of coun- 
try. I foresaw a long stay, but to avoid that and to give the 
Pasha ample time to consider his answer and learn the wishes 
of his people, I resolved to go back even to Yam buy a to as- 
certain the fate of the rear column of our expedition under 
Major Barttelot. This diffidence on the part of the Pasha 
cost me another rough march of 1300 miles. When I re- 
turned to the Nyanza after eight months' absence, it was 
only to find that Emin Pasha and Mr. Jephson, one of our 
officers who stayed with him as a witness, had been made 
prisoners four months previous to this third arrival of ours 
on the Nyanza, and that the invasion of the Pasha's prov- 
ince by the Mahdists had utterly upset everything. 

When Mr. Jephson, according to command, detached him- 
self from the Pasha and came to me, I learned then for the 
first time that the Pasha had had no province, government, 



AS TOLD IN II. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 163 

nor soldiers for nearly five years; that he was living undis- 
turbed, and that some yielded sometimes to his wishes, ap- 
parently through mere sufferance and lack of legitimate ex- 
cuse to cast him off utterly. But when he permitted himself 
by a gust of awakened optimism to venture into the presence 
of his soldiers, he was at once arrested, insulted, menaced, 
and imprisoned. 

In re Major Barttelot and Tippu Tib, I have seen more 
nonsense on this subject than on any other. 

You remember the promise I made " to do as much good 
as I could do, but as little mischief as possible." Let us see 
how this applied to the engagement with Tippu Tib. This 
man had grown rich through his raids, which had been the 
boldest and best rewarded with booty of any ever made. 
That error of judgment which led Captain Deane to defy 
the Arabs for the sake of a lying woman who had fled from 
her master to avoid punishment, had irritated all the Arabs 
at the Stanley Falls, and especially Tippu Tib and all his rel- 
atives, friends, subjects, and armed slaves. Tippu Tib was 
resolved to retaliate on the Congo Free State; he was at 
Zanzibar collecting material for the most important raid of 
all, that is, down the Upper Congo. Who could have stopped 
his descent before he reached Stanley Pool ? "Who knew the 
means of the State for defence better than I did ? There- 
fore it was a fearful desolating war, or a compromise and a 
peace while good faith was kept. If both parties are honest, 
peace will continue indefinitely. To secure Tippu Tib's hon- 
esty, a salary of £30 per month is given to him. For this 
trifling consideration thousands of lives are saved, and their 
properties are secured to them. The Congo State is permit- 
ted to consolidate until it is readier with offensive means 
than at that time. 

Thank God I have long left that immature age when one 
becomes a victim to every crafty rogue he. meets. I am 
not a gushing youth, and we may assume that Tippu Tib's 



164 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 

prime age was yet from dotage. We both did as much as 
possible to gain advantage. I was satisfied with what I ob- 
tained, and Tippu Tib obtained what money he wanted. At 
the time he agreed, he was sincere in his intentions. You 
remember your Scripture, I dare say, and you remember the 
words : " There is more joy in heaven over one sinner that 
repenteth, than over ninety-nine that need no repentance." 
Who had been a greater sinner than Tippu Tib, at least in 
our estimation ? But he could not sin down the Congo, for 
pecuniary as well as for more powerful reasons, which can- 
not be mentioned lest other crafty rogues take advantage of 
the disclosures. 

After disposing of Tippu Tib, " the pirate, the freebooter, 
buccaneer, and famous raider," I must say a word about 
poor Barttelot. He was a major in the British army. His 
very manner indicated him to be of a frank, gallant, dar- 
ing, and perhaps somewhat dangerous nature if aroused. 
His friends who introduced him to me in London spoke of 
him in some such terms. They named the campaigns he 
had been in, and what personal services he had performed. 
As I looked at the major's face I read courage, frankness, 
combativeness in large quantity, and I said to these friends, 
courage and boldness are common characteristics among 
British officers, but of the most valuable quality for an ex- 
pedition like this I have not heard anything; I hope you 
can add " forbearance." 

The only quality perhaps in which he was deficient was 
that of forbearance, though I promised myself that he 
should have little chance to exercise combativeness. Yet 
you must not think that this was a defect in him. It was 
merely the result of high spirits, youth, and a good constitu- 
tion. He was just pining for work. I promised him he should 
have so much of it he would plead for rest. But unfortu- 
nately want of sufficient vessels to float the expedition at one 
time on the Upper Congo compelled me to leave about oner 



AS TOLD IN II. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 165 

half of my stores in charge of Mr. Troup at Stanley Pool, 
and 126 men under Messrs. Ward and Bonny at Bolobo, and 
as the major was senior officer, and Mr. Jamieson was an 
African traveller of experience, after due consideration it 
was conclusive that no other two men could be fitter for 
the post of guarding the camp at Yambuya. With me for 
the advance column were Lieutenant Stairs, R.E., very in- 
telligent and able, Captain Nelson, of the Colonial Forces, 
Mounteney Jephson, a civilian, to whom work was as much 
a vital necessity as bread, and Surgeon T. H. Parke, of the 
A.M.D., a brilliant operator and physician. All were equally 
ignorant of the Kiswahili, the language of the Zanzibaris, as 
Major Barttelot and Mr. Jamieson. The only two who knew 
the language were Messrs. Ward and Troup, and they were 
not due at Yambuya until the middle of August. Would 
it have been wise to have placed either Stairs, Nelson, or 
Jephson, instead of Major Barttelot, the senior officer, and 
Mr. Jamieson, in command of Yambuya? I feel sure you 
will agree with me I made the best choice possible. 

When young officers, English, German, or Belgian, come 
to Africa, for many months there is no abatement of that 
thirst for action, that promptitude for work, that impatience 
to be moving, which characterizes them at home. Aimemia 
has not sapped the energies and thinned the blood. They 
are more combative at this period than any other. If any 
quarrels or squabbles arise it is at this time. 

I had to interfere twice between lire-eating young Arabs 
and strong, plucky young Englishmen, who were unable to 
discern the dark-faced young Arab from the " nigger," be- 
fore we reached Yambuya. Well, it just happened that the 
major, forgetting my instructions as to forbearance, met 
these Arab fire-eaters, and the consequence was that the 
major had to employ the Syrian Assad Ferran to interpret 
for him. Whether the man interpreted falsely I know not, 
but a coolness arose between the high-spirited nephew of 



166 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 

Tippu Tib and the equally high-spirited young major which 
was never satisfactorily healed up, and which in the long- 
run led to the ever-to-be-regretted death of poor Barttelot. 

In the written instructions to Major Barttelot, June 24th, 
Yambuya Stockaded Camp, paragraph 3 reads as follows : 

" It is the non-arrival of the goods from Stanley Pool 
and the men from Bolobo which compel me to appoint you 
commander of this post. But as I shall shortly expect the 
arrival of a strong reinforcement of men (Tippu Tib's people) 
greatly exceeding the advance force — which must at all haz- 
ards proceed and push on to the rescue of Emin Pasha — I 
hope you will not be detained longer than a few days after 
the departure of the Stanley on her final return to Stanley 
Pool in August (say August 18, 1887, as the steamer did 
arrive in time, August 14th). 

Paragraph 5. " The interests now intrusted to you are of 
vital importance to this expedition. All the men (Zanzi- 
baris) who shortly will be under your command will consist of 
more than a third of the expedition. The goods are needed 
for currency through the regions beyond the lakes. The loss 
of these men and goods would be certain ruin to us, and the 
advance force itself would need to solicit relief in its turn." 

Paragraph 6. " Our course from here will be true east, or 
by magnetic compass, E. by S. The paths may not exactty 
lead in that direction at times, but it is the S.W. corner of 
Lake Albert near or at Kavalli that is our destination. . . . 
Our after-conduct must be guided by what we shall learn of 
the intentions of Emin Pasha." 

Paragraph 7. " We shall endeavor by blazing trees and 
cutting saplings to leave sufficient traces of the route taken 
by us." 

Paragraph 8. " It may happen should Tippu Tib send the 
full complement of men promised (600 men), and if the 126 
men have arrived by the Stanley, that you will feel compe- 
tent to march your column along the route pursued by me. 



AS TOLD IN II. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 167 

In that event, which would be most desirable, we should 
meet before many days. You will find our bomas, or zeri- 
bas, very good guides." 

Paragraph 9. "It may happen also that Tippu Tib has 
sent some men, but he has not sent enough. In that event 
you will of course use your discretion as to what goods you 
can dispense with to enable you to march.'' 

(List of classes of goods, according to their importance, 
here given, Nos. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, the highest numbers to be 
first thrown away.) 

"If you still cannot march, then it would be better to 
make double marches than throw too many things away — if 
you prefer marching (moving on) to staying for our arrival." 

These were supplemented by verbal explanations giving 
permission to march the very next day after the contingent 
from Bolobo had arrived — if he could prepare his goods in 
time — urgently impressing him not to place any stress on the 
promises of Tippu Tib, if he failed to make an appearance 
within a reasonable time of the promised date. His carriers 
w T ere not absolutely necessary, but they would serve to keep 
our men fresh for other journeys. If Tippu Tib came, why, 
well and good ; if he did not come, then be indifferent ; 
adapt your goods to your carriers, and march on after us. 
The sooner you can march, the sooner we will meet. If 
Tippn Tib broke his written agreement made with me before 
the Consul, his promises to you would be still more unreli- 
able. You last saw him, he promised to come within nine 
days; that date will be over the day after to-morrow. If he 
comes any time before the arrival of the Stanley, all will be 
well ; but if he does not come by that time, it will prove that 
the man never intended to come. Don't bother your mind 
about him, but come along with what you can — ammunition, 
beads, and cloth, private luggage, and European provisions. 
If you make double marches of four or six miles a day, 
you will do very well, etc. 



168 THE STORY OF EMIN'S RESCUE, 

The major rose up in his frank, impetuous manner, and 
said : " By George, that's the style ! I will stop very few 
days indeed after the people from Bolobo come up. I 
wouldn't stop longer for anything." 

Unfortunately, tantalizing delays, accompanied by con- 
stant fair promises on the part of the Arabs, prevented the 
forward movement ; with what unfortunate results to the 
expedition and to the rear column is too well known to be 
again referred to here. 

In re atrocities on the Congo, I do not know who made 
the horrible statement that I have seen connected with the 
names of Major Barttelot and Jamieson. It is simply incon- 
ceivable nonsense — a sensational canard. The Rev. Wilmot 
Brooke has written a letter to the Times about " atrocities on 
the Aruwimi." There is one part of a sentence which reads 
as follows : " Eye-witnesses, both English and Arab, have as- 
sured me that it is a common thing, which they themselves 
have seen on passing through the Manyuema camp, to see 
human hands and feet sticking out of their cooking-pots." 

The question I should like to ask here is, " Who are those 
English who have seen this curious sight — hands and feet 
sticking out of cooking-pots?" Mr. Wilmot Brooke is an 
independent missionary seeking for a nest. It must be that 
there is something of an " untra veiled" look about him for 
him to have been chosen as the recipient of this interest- 
ing Police Gazette item. I would not mind guaranteeing 
that " those English " are as undiscoverable as Prester John's 
traditional crown. I have had 150 so-called Manyuema, or 
rather Wasongora and Wakusu slaves of Manyuema head- 
men, with me — Tippu Tib's people — some twelve months 
now, and not one Englishman has seen anything of the kind. 

Is Mr. Wilmot Brooke, or is it Assad Ferran, the author 
of that tale that an execution of a woman was dela} 7 ed by 
Jamieson or Barttelot that a photographer might make ready 
his apparatus? Would it surprise you to know that there 



AS TOLD IN II. M. STANLEY'S LETTERS. 169 

Was no photograph apparatus of even the smallest kind within 
500 miles of Stanley Falls, or the camp at Yambuya, north, 
south, east, or west at that time, or at any time near that date '{ 

The tale is sometimes varied that it was not a photograph 
but a sketch that some one wished to make* Was this 
Jamieson or Ward ? — for both are, or were> clever with the 
pencil. But why should a pencil artist wish to delay the ex- 
ecution ; could he make an instantaneous sketch ? Might he 
not at any time have made a sketch of a weapon uplifted to 
strike — the position of the victim and slayer. Melton Prior 
is one of the quickest artists I ever knew, but even he would 
think it impossible to sketch the lightning stroke of a sabre. 

But I might go on at this rate forever with the "infinite 
— finite" nonsense I find in print in these scraps. Major 
Barttelot did punish men twice with severity ; but, singular 
as it may seem, the white person who accused him was pres- 
ent on both occasions during the flogging scene ; he never 
even protested. The second time he gave his verdict at a fair 
trial " death," and signed the document consigning him to 
instant doom. 

I have had to execute four men during our expedition ; 
twice for stealing rifles, cartridges, and broken loads of am- 
munition ; one of the Pasha's people for conspiracy, theft, 
and decoying about thirty women belonging to the Egyp- 
tians, besides for seditious plots — court-martialled by all offi- 
cers and sentenced to be hung; a Soudanese soldier, the last, 
who deliberately proceeded to a friendly tribe and began 
shooting at the natives. One man was shot dead instantly, 
and another was seriously wounded. The chiefs came and 
demanded justice, the people were mustered, the murderer 
and his companions were identified, the identification by his 
companions confirmed, and the murderer was delivered to 
them according to the law " blood for blood." 

Yours very faithfully, 

Henry M. Stanley. 




HENKY M. STANLEY. 



APPENDIX. 



AFRICA'S CORTEZ. 

Going into the London office of the New York Herald on 
my return from Central Asia in 1873, I found there a small, 
wiry, sunburnt, keen-eyed man, who was introduced to me as 
" Mr. Stanley." All England was then ringing with that name, 
and every one was reading the stirring tale of the author's 
eight months' march inland from Zanzibar through the peril- 
ous and almost unknown region east of the great lakes, till he 
stood face to face on the shore of Lake Tanganyika with the 
great pioneer whose work he was destined to complete. 

Then, of course, the rabid curiosity that cannot be happy 
till it knows what kind of boots a hero wears, and how much 
sugar he puts in his tea, fastened like a leech upon the new 
popular lion. Insatiable gossips ferreted out the date of his 
birth (1840) in a quiet little Welsh cottage near Denbigh, and 
discovered that he had passed ten of his first thirteen years of 
life in the poor-house of St. Asaph, had been a pupil-teacher for 
a twelvemonth at Mold, in Flintshire, had gone to sea in his six- 
teenth year as cabin-boy of a trading vessel bound for New 
Orleans, and had been adopted by a merchant of that place 
named Henry Stanley, who replaced the boy's real name of 
" John Rowlands " with that which was soon to echo through- 
out the whole world. 

"Adventures are to the adventurous," said Lord Beacons- 
field ; and Stanley's American life amply verified the pithy 
saying. By turns a Confederate soldier, a prisoner of war, a 
petty officer on a Northern gunboat, an amateur correspond- 
ent, penning with characteristic coolness the details of a sea- 
fight while the shot rattled around him like hail, he received 
from the stern period between 1861 and 1865 a fit training for 
the mighty work beyond. Even then the latter was taking 
shape in his daring soul, and the Russian officers who met him 
during his Eastern travels in 1865-66 told me, years later, with 
a glow of honest admiration on their hard faces, how he used 



112 APPENDIX. 

to say to them, with the energy of one who meant what he 
Said, "I'll see the heart of Africa yet before I die, and do 
something there that shall be remembered." 

That prophecy was soon to be fulfilled. The Abyssinian 
campaign of Magdala, which he witnessed as the New York 
Herald correspondent with General Napier's army, gave to the 
future Cortez of Central Africa his first experience of life in 
the tropical wilds — an experience that bore ample fruit three 
years later, when he fought his way through the deadly inte- 
rior of south-eastern Africa to seek the lost Livingstone, whom 
many had long since given up as dead. It was then that the 
prompt energy and wonderful power of organization which 
characterized the man showed themselves in their true propor- 
tions. While two relieving expeditions were making slow and 
elaborate preparations, Stanley darted in and did the work be- 
fore their very eyes, with means which most men would have 
thought wholly inadequate. " When the news first came, sir, 
that you'd found Livingstone," said his trusty English lieuten- 
ant, years later, during the dreadful voyage down the Congo, 
"I was one of them that didn't believe a word of it ; but now 
that I've seen you at work, I believe you could go anywhere 
and do anything." 

Such a man could never be long at rest, and the winter of 
1873 saw him on the wing once more, to join Sir Garnet Wolse- 
ley's march to Coomassie through the West African king- 
dom of Ashantee. This campaign — the experiences of which, 
together with tho^e of his Abyssinian journey, were published 
not long after in a small volume entitled " Coomassie and 
Magdala" — must have been of priceless value in preparing 
him for the mighty enterprise that carried him across the 
whole breadth of Africa a few years later. In Abyssinia he 
traversed stony uplands and bare treeless hills ; in Ashantee 
he met with his first foretaste of that long and terrible strug- 
gle through the dense, bristling mass, and hot, stifling vapor- 
bath atmosphere of the great equatorial forest, which was to 
be the crowning achievement of his life. During the whole 
march to Coomassie the invaders were literally shouldering 
their way through a giant hedge of rank, spiky, poisonous 
vegetation, reeking with deadly vapors and swarming with un- 
seen enemies. " The crowding trees and coiling creepers " (I 
quote Stanley's own emphatic words) " almost shut out the 



AFRICA'S CORTEZ. 173 

light of day, and we marched in a cheerless twilight. Every- 
thing here seemed to be weeping ; the huge broad leaves kept 
shedding great drops of water, turning the ground below into 
a thick paste of mud, in which we sank over ankles at every 
step -lad to gain even a few feet at a time, though only to 
halt Tgain directly, and stand shivering in one of these pud- 
dles for an hour or more, till some obstruction in front was re- 
moved." The Ashantee march was the Congo expedition 

carved in a cameo. 

And now the curtain began to rise upon a drama such as tne 
world had never seen since the great Spanish filibuster hewed 
his way through Mexico in the sixteenth century. The au- 
tumn of 1874 found Stanley once more at Zanzibar, with his 
face again turned westward towards the " lake country " which 
had been the scene of his first exploit. All that nature or man 
could do to arrest his progress— fever, famine, treachery, de- 
sertion, adverse weather, the cowardice of his followers and 
the obstinate ferocity of his enemies— only roused his indom- 
itable spirit to stronger efforts, till at last (after many a hair- 
breadth escape and many a desperate battle, and the loss of 
one of the two gallant English brothers who were the only 
white men among his one hundred and fifty comrades) he suc- 
ceeded in filling up the gaps left in the previous surveys of 
Burton, Speke, and Baker, by determining the position and 
boundaries of the four great equatorial lakes, viz., the Victoria 
and Albert Kyanzas, Muta Nzige, and Tanganyika. 

To almost any other man such an achievement would have 
seemed enough for one journey ; but to Stanley's untiring en- 
emy nothing seemed to have been done while anything re- 
mained to do. The great work which brave old Livingstone 
had died to accomplish was still unfinished, and his daring suc- 
cessor resolved to complete it by the exploration of the mys- 
terious " Lualaba River," which Stanley had already in his se- 
cret heart identified with the Congo. On he went, in defiance 
of all obstacles, till at length, after a weary struggle of many 
days through swamp and jungle, he came out upon the bank 
of the unknown stream, and the dreadful journey began. 

For untravelled readers it is always hard to estimate the 
magnitude of such a task, for the simple reason that no one 
who has not himself faced the horrors of a prolonged struggle 
through Central Africa or Central Asia can have the faintest 



174 APPENDIX. 

idea of what they really are. What a march through trop- 
ical forests really means is a life which is one long death — 
weary days and nights of sleepless pain and fever — a rage 
of gnawing hunger that seems to tear out your very vitals, 
and a burning, frantic thirst which a whole river could not 
quench. Day after day you toil through the frightful, un- 
ending cobweb of the pathless forest, hacking your way amid 
the gloomy twilight of the giant trees through a black 
snaky tangle of matted boughs and tough, wiry creepers and 
huge dagger-like thorns, while the damp, foul, steaming vapor 
makes your head sick and your limbs faint, and you feel your 
strength failing hour by hour, while knowing all the while 
that it is death to halt or even to linger. Whether you go by 
land or by water, everything around you seems hostile — treach- 
erous shoals, sunken rocks, deadly fever mists, the fierce beast 
or fiercer savage in the thickets around, the crocodile and hip- 
popotamus in the waters below. Often do you start up from 
a heavy torpor of utter exhaustion, which is more of a swoon 
than a sleep, only to find that, with your brain reeling and 
your limbs sinking beneath you from crushing fatigue, you 
must retrace your steps over ground traversed at the cost of 
sufferings more bitter than death itself. And when to all this 
is added the haunting, ever-present consciousness that not for 
one moment during that long and weary struggle can you 
really feel safe, and that the presence of man, so far from be- 
ing a pledge of help and security, is the one thing to be dread- 
ed and shunned most of all — this is, indeed, to " die daily." 

All this and much more did this one man endure, not for a 
few days or a few weeks, but for eight months together. 
Thirty-two deadly battles with blood-thirsty cannibals, in sev- 
eral of which, as Stanley forcibly said, " it rained poisoned ar- 
rows day and night," combined with famine, disease, grinding 
fatigue, and the hungry waters of the furious river to thin the 
ranks of the little band. Very few and weary were the hand- 
ful of heroes who survived to find themselves "only five 
marches from white faces " on the lower Congo. 

But just as success seemed already in the grasp of their 
daring leader, an unforeseen peril threatened death to one and 
all when almost within sight of the European settlements. 
The rapids that obstructed the river having put a stop to the 
canoe voyage which had brought them thus far, they were now 



AFRICA'S CORTEZ. 175 

forced to march overland; and the men, weakened by so many 
hardships, and now left almost without food, proved quite un- 
equal to the task of carrying heavy loads over the steep, wooded 
ridges flanking the stream, while the natives refused to give 
them food unless rum or something equally precious were of- 
fered in exchange. 

Only one thing was left to do. He sent down his two 
strongest men to the nearest settlement, bearing a note from 
himself with an urgent request for immediate supplies, while 
he and the rest watched and waited through two weary days 
— every hour of which must have seemed as long as a year — 
for the coming of the food that was their only hope of life, lint 
it came at last. " You should have heard what a cheer the 
poor starving fellows set up," said Stanley to me afterwards, 
" when they saw the porters coming up the hill with the stores. 
I can tell you that was the happiest moment of my life." 

The story of this unparalleled feat, told by its hero in 
" Through the Dark Continent " (1878), eclipsed all his former 
exploits, and made him once more the lion of all Europe. Ex- 
aggeration came, as usual, to magnify deeds which little need- 
ed it. Nothing seemed too marvellous for the hero of such 
adventures and such escapes. An honest German to whom I 
mentioned that Stanley had had one hundred and twenty-two 
fevers asked, eagerly, " Mein Gott ! did he have dem all to 
once?" But this enthusiasm was not wholly unalloyed with 
dissatisfaction. The few who could read in the great pioneer's 
dark, worn face that expression of native power and command, 
that "go anywhere and do anything" look which ennobled the 
harsh features of his two prototypes, Lord Clive and Sir Fran- 
cis Drake, had no cause for disappointment in comparing his 
deeds with their doer. But the many who saw their ideal ex- 
plorer in the towering form, brawny limbs, and bold, bearded 
face of Sir Samuel Baker found the Congo hero's small, slight 
frame, and plain, almost coarse features, not at all equal to 
their expectations; and their displeasure vented itself either 
in avowed disbelief of his alleged exploits, or in multiplied 
slanders against his character and motives. 

Nothing could be more unjust than the charges of wan- 
ton cruelty and bloodshed freely made against him by many 
who ought to have known better. When hemmed in by 
blood-thirsty cannibals, bent on slaughtering him and all 



176 APPENDIX. 

his men, he could fight as fiercely as any Afghan ; but no 
" wanton blood-shedder " would have cleft his wav through 
the savagest region upon earth with such slight loss both to 
friends and foes. No man reckless of human life would have 
twice gone alone into a mob of raging savages and levelled 
spears to preserve peace. No mere destroyer would have kept 
his armed followers from taking by force from the selfish 
brutes around them, during that fearful two days' waiting on 
the lower Congo, the food for want of which they were dying 
by inches. No naturally cruel man would have spoken with 
such deep feeling as I have heard him speak of the welcome 
that greeted his surviving followers in their distant homes at 
Zanzibar, and of the fate that had befallen those who returned 
no more : " Poor little Amina said to me when she lay dying, 
* This is a bad world, master, and you have lost your way in 
it.' Then my brave Safeni, the best of them all, went mad, 
and wandered away into the forest alone, and never came 
back. When I went out there again I had search made for 
him in all directions, and offered fabulous amounts of cloth to 
the chiefs for any news of him ; but no — not a word !" 

Stanley's later achievements — his return to the Congo in 
1879 for the International African Association, his establish- 
ment of trading posts along the whole 1400 miles of river up 
to Stanley Falls, the road-making that earned him his native 
name of " Bula Matari" (Rock-breaker), and the system of 
transport organized by himself and his gallant comrade Major 
Vetch, the companion of our West African shipwreck with 
King Oko jumbo — have been too fully and recently told in his 
last book (" The Congo and the Founding of its Free State ") 
to need repetition here. In 1884 the work was done, and he 
came home to advocate the making of a railway round the 
Congo Rapids, thus connecting the inland trade with that of 
the coast. But the moment the master's hand and eye were 
removed, the fabric so laboriously reared began to crumble. 
Disquieted by vague rumors of mishaps, Stanley was already 
planning a third visit to his little African kingdom when the 
" Emin Relief Expedition" summoned him to more exciting 
work. David Ker. 

the END. 



